Zeenab Aneez, Taberez Ahmed Neyazi,
Antonis Kalogeropoulos, and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen
Reuters Institute
India Digital News Report
Zeenab Aneez, Taberez Ahmed Neyazi,
Antonis Kalogeropoulos, and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen
Supported by
Surveyed by
Published by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism
DOI: 110.60625/risj-qqd1-y198
Reuters Institute
India Digital News Report
Contents
Foreword 5
Methodology 6
About the Authors 7
Acknowledgements 7
Executive Summary 8
1. Digital News in India 9
1.1 The Move to Digital Media 9
1.2 A Mobile-First Market 9
1.3 Distributed Discovery Dominated by Platforms 10
1.4 Social Media as Gateways to News 10
1.5 Navigating News on Social Media 12
1.6 WhatsApp Widely Used for News 12
2. News and Participation 13
2.1 Online and Oine Sources of News 13
2.2 Inequalities in How People Access News 13
2.3 Engaging with Online News 14
2.4 High Levels of Participation, Caution around 15
Political Expression
3. Brands and Trust 16
3.1 Legacy Brands Popular with Online News Consumers 16
3.2 Alternative and Partisan News Sites Embraced by Some 17
3.3 Trust in News – Media versus Platforms 17
3.4 Brand Level Trust 18
4. Disinformation 20
4.1 Disinformation: Perceptions, Concerns, and Exposure 20
4.2 Who is Responsible for Fixing Disinformation Issues? 20
5. Future Trends 21
5.1 Mobile Applications and Alerts 21
5.2 Appetite for Online News Video 21
5.3 Video Viewing Moving Osite 21
5.4 Ad-Blocking a Threat to the Business 22
5.5 Opportunities around Voice-Activated Speakers and Audio 22
5.6 Will Indians Pay for Online News? 22
5.7 Will More People Donate to News? 23
6. Conclusion 24
References 25
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 4
5
Given how important and interesting it is, India has always been
conspicuously absent from the Reuters Institute annual Digital
News Report. I am therefore very glad that support from a wide
range of dierent Indian sponsors has now enabled us to produce
this, the rst stand-alone pilot India Digital News Report, in time
to inform discussions of news and media in India in advance of
the 2019 elections.
We publish this study at a time of dramatic change in the Indian
media, some of it promising, some of it troubling. The past few
years have seen explosive growth in especially mobile internet
access, and even though broadcast media and printed newspapers
are still doing better in India than in many other markets, the rapid
move to digital media will have profound implications for the
practice of journalism, the business of news, media institutions,
and thus by extension political and public life in India. We have
seen rapid growth in online audiences across websites, social
media, and more, but also mounting challenges to the business
of news as advertising moves to digital media. This shi coincides
with a changing political environment where activists, parties, and
politicians are enthusiastically embracing digital media, sometimes
circumventing editorial gatekeepers, sometimes attacking them
directly, attacks that contribute to wider concerns over media
freedom in India.
We are glad to be able to oer this report as a snapshot of this
development and how the rise of mobile media, social media
platforms, and messaging applications is in the process of
changing how Indians access news and engage with it, including
low trust in much news and rising concerns about various kinds
of disinformation. We hope our analysis will help inform decision-
making among Indian journalists and publishers, as well as
among policy makers and among the large US-based technology
companies that play an increasingly important role in the Indian
media environment.
The report is a pilot study in the sense that it deals exclusively
with a small (but important) subset of the Indian media market,
namely English-language news users with internet access. We
hope to be able to do more work in the future to shed more
empirical light on news and media habits among Hindi and
vernacular language users across the country, perhaps with time
including a more comprehensive study to cover the hundreds
of millions of Indians who still do not have internet access. For
the time being, it is important to stress that the results reported
here and our wider analysis is exclusively focused on English-
language Indian internet users, and should not be taken to be
representative of India more widely.
Our work here builds on the ongoing, annual Reuters Institute
Digital News Report, which in 2018 covered 37 markets across
the globe, and in 2019 will for the rst time include Africa too,
with the addition of South Africa. We are hugely grateful to our
sponsors who have now enabled us to do similar work in India,
namely, the Hindu Media Group, The Quint, the Indian Express,
and the Press Trust of India. We are also grateful to our polling
company YouGov, who did everything possible to help us expand
our research into India for the rst time and helped our research
team to analyse and contextualise the data.
Foreword
Professor Rasmus Kleis Nielsen
Director of the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (RISJ)
/ 5 4
Methodology
This study has been commissioned by the Reuters Institute
for the Study of Journalism as our first step towards a better
understanding of how digital news is being used in India. Research
was conducted by YouGov using an online questionnaire in early
January 2019. The methodology is similar to the Reuters Institute
2018 Digital News Report survey with some important limitations.
The sample is reective of the English-speaking population in
India that has access to the internet. As a result, it is skewed
towards male, auent, and educated respondents. As an online
survey, the results will further under-represent the consumption
habits of people who are not online (typically older, less auent,
and with limited formal education). Where relevant, we have tried
to make these two limitations (around language and internet
access) clear within the text.
• The data were weighted to targets based on the online
population of India on age and region. The targets are set by
YouGov and are based on data from the Internet and Mobile
Association of India.
• As this survey deals with news consumption, we ltered out
anyone who said that they had not consumed any news in
the past month, in order to ensure that irrelevant responses
didn’t adversely aect data quality. This category was lower
than 2.9% in India, similar to the average of the 37 countries
examined at the 2018 Digital News Report. Overall, we surveyed
1013 individuals.
• A comprehensive online English-language questionnaire
based on the 2018 Digital News Report was designed to capture
dierent aspects of news consumption.
1
http://www.digitalnewsreport.org/survey/2018/survey-methodology-2018/
The survey was conducted using the established English-speaking
online panels run by our polling company YouGov. The main
purpose is to track activities and changes within the digital space
– as well as gaining understanding about how oine media and
online media are used together.
In a few instances within the text we compare the results for India
with the results of other large and complex markets like Brazil,
Turkey, or the United States. These numbers are taken from the
2018 Reuters Institute Digital News Report survey undertaken
in early 2018. More information about the methodology and the
samples for these countries can be found on the Digital News
Report website.
1
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 6
About the Authors
Zeenab Aneez is an independent researcher in the eld of digital
media and culture. She has a background in journalism and was
previously a reporter for The Hindu. She has an undergraduate
degree in Economics from the University of Madras and an MA
in Digital Media and Culture at the Centre for Interdisciplinary
Methodologies, University of Warwick, United Kingdom.
Taberez Ahmed Neyazi is Assistant Professor of New Media and
Political Communication at the National University of Singapore.
His research focuses on political communication and public
opinion, computational social science, digital, mobile, and social
media. He serves as co-Principal Investigator of India Election
Studies (IES) and the country coordinator for this project on media,
campaigning, and inuence in India’s national and state-level
elections.
Antonis Kalogeropoulos is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at
the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism at the University
of Oxford. He is a co-author of the Digital News Report, an annual
survey of news consumption patterns across the world. He has
also published a range of academic articles more widely on
online and social media participation and online news video
consumption patterns in a comparative perspective.
Rasmus Kleis Nielsen is Director of the Reuters Institute for the
Study of Journalism and Professor of Political Communication
at the University of Oxford. His work focuses on changes in
the news media, on political communication, and the role of
digital technologies in both. He has done extensive research on
journalism, news media, campaign communication, and various
forms of activism across the world.
Acknowledgements
This report has been made possible by support from The Hindu Media Group, the Indian
Express, The Quint, and the Press Trust of India. We are very grateful for their support.
The data collection, analysis, and presentation has been conducted independently by
the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. Our work on this report has beneted
from the advice, experience, and input of the wider Reuters Institute research team,
in particular Nic Newman and Richard Fletcher, two of the authors of the main annual
Reuters Institute Digital News Report.
/ 7 6
In this report we show that English-language
Indian news users with internet access are
embracing a mobile-rst, platform-dominated
media environment with search engines, social
media, and messaging applications playing a
key role in how people access and use news in
a setting characterised by low trust in many
news media, high concerns over the possible
implications of expressing political views, and
widespread worries about dierent kinds of
disinformation.
KEY FINDINGS INCLUDE
• A mobile-rst market: 68% of our respondents identify
smartphones as their main device for online news, 31% say
they only use mobile devices for accessing online news.
These gures are markedly higher than in other markets,
including developing markets like Brazil and Turkey.
• A platform-dominated market: an overwhelming majority
of respondents identify various forms of distributed discovery
as their main way of accessing news online. Search (32%)
and various kinds of social media (24%) are particularly
important. Only 18% consider direct access their main
way of getting news online.
• Facebook and WhatsApp are particularly widely used, with 75%
of respondents using Facebook (and 52% saying they get news
there), and 82% using WhatsApp (with 52% getting news there).
Other social media widely used for news include Instagram
(26%), Twitter (18%), and Facebook Messenger (16%).
• Online news generally (56%), and social media specically
(28%), have outpaced print (16%) as the main source of news
among respondents under 35, whereas respondents over 35
still mix online and oine media to a greater extent.
• Many of our respondents say that they share (50%) and/or
comment (33%) on online news, with particularly high levels
of engagement on Facebook and WhatsApp, but many also
express concerns that openly expressing their political views
online could make their friends of family think dierently of
them (49%), make work colleagues or other acquaintances
think dierently of them (50%) or, perhaps most worryingly,
fear it could get them into trouble with authorities (55%).
• The most widely used online news sources (beyond platforms)
are generally the websites of leading legacy media including
broadcasters and newspapers, but some digital-born news
media have signicant reach, including some alternative and
partisan sites who despite limited name recognition have built
relatively large audiences.
• Our respondents have low trust in news overall (36%) and even
the news they personally use (39%), but interestingly express
higher levels of trust in news in search (45%) and social media
(34%) than respondents in many other countries. Partisans at
both ends of the political spectrum have similar levels of trust
in the news, whereas non-partisans have lower levels.
• 57% of our respondents are worried whether online news they
come across is real or fake, and when asked about dierent
kinds of potential disinformation, many of our respondents
express concern over hyperpartisan content (51%) and poor
journalism (51%) as well as false news (50%).
• Looking to the future, signicant numbers of respondents
express an appetite for more personalised mobile news
alerts, more online news video, for donating to support news
organisations, and to pay for news in the future, with 31% of
those who do not currently pay for online news saying they are
‘somewhat likely’ to pay, and 9% saying they are ‘very likely’ to.
The report is based on data from a survey of English-speaking, online
news users in India – a small (but important) subset of a larger, more
diverse, and very complex Indian media market. Our respondents are
generally more auent, have higher levels of formal education,
skews male, and are more likely to live in cities than the wider
Indian population and our ndings only concern our sample,
and thus cannot be taken to be more broadly representative.
Executive Summary
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 8
. Digital News in India
. THE MOVE TO DIGITAL MEDIA
Indian publishers have oered online news and invested in their
websites since the 1990s, even though internet access initially
grew only slowly in India. In recent years, the explosive expansion
of especially mobile web access and signs of stagnation or even
decline in print readership and advertising have led to increased
investment in better websites, the recruitment of digital journalists
and developers, new social media and mobile strategies, the
creation and launch of apps, and experimentation with new and
emerging technologies.
2
Publishers are also diversifying their
content and building new brands and products to engage the needs
of their growing digital audience, and a number of digital-born news
media have been launched in one of the world’s most competitive
media markets.
3
This move is in response to rapidly evolving audience behaviour.
While it took 15 years from 1995 to 2010 before 100 million
Indians (8% of the population) had internet access, growth has
greatly accelerated since, surpassing an estimated 500 million
users by June 2018, more than 30% of the population, driven
primarily by tremendous growth in mobile internet access.
4
In this report we focus only on English news publishers which are
primarily read by higher socio-economic classes of urban people,
who use smartphones and have access to the internet.
5
By some
estimates, those who speak English as a primary language make up
only about 10% of India’s population.
6
The surveyed sample reects
this, and is hence not representative of the wider population of
Indian digital media users, especially given that current industry
trends are characterised by a surge in rural users and increasing
consumption of regional language content.
7
2
Aneez et al. 2016.
3
See e.g. Aneez et al. 2017; Sen and Nielsen 2016.
4
IAMAI-Kantar IMRB 2018.
5
EY-India 2018.
6
https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-20500312
7
Neyazi 2019.
We show that English-language Indian news users with internet
access are embracing a mobile-rst, platform-dominated media
environment with search engines, social media, and messaging
applications playing an absolutely key role in how people access
and use news in a setting characterised by low trust in many
news media, high concerns over the possible implications
of expressing political views, and widespread worries about
different kinds of disinformation.
. A MOBILEFIRST MARKET
India is emerging as an overwhelmingly mobile-rst, and for
many mobile-only, media market for internet use broadly, and
for online news use specically. Of our respondents, 68% identify
smartphones as their main device for online news. Preference for
smartphones for news access was signicantly higher than that
for desktop computers and tablets, preferred by 17% and 3%
respectively; 31% of our respondents say they only use mobile
devices for accessing online news. (A 2017 report by Omidyar
Network said Indian users spend about three hours a day
on their mobile phones, though only 2% of this time is spent
accessing news.)
This marks India as a much more mobile-rst online news
environment than even other developing markets like Brazil
and Turkey, let alone markets like the United States or those
found in Europe such as Germany.
/ 9 8
. DISTRIBUTED DISCOVERY DOMINATED
BY PLATFORMS
India has emerged as a large market for social media giants
like Facebook, LinkedIn, Instagram, and Twitter, and our survey
demonstrates how these digital intermediaries have become
absolutely central to online news distribution, providing
publishers with competition for attention and advertising, but
also new opportunities to reach wider online audiences.
Among our respondents, direct discovery of news (where users go
directly to a news organisation’s website or app) is seen as far less
important than various forms of distributed discovery (where users
discover and access news through a variety of digital platforms).
Search is an important gateway for many users, and as audiences
have embraced social media like Facebook and Twitter, publishers
have begun sharing breaking news and features on these platforms.
At the same time, messaging apps like WhatsApp are now being used
by millions to get online news, and by publishers sending news
directly to subscribers.
In our sample of English-speaking online news users, just 35% say
they go directly to news websites or apps, and only 18% consider
direct access their main way of accessing news online (compared
to 26% in the US and 35% in Brazil). An overwhelming majority
of the respondents identify various forms of distributed discovery
as their main way of accessing news online. Search (32%) and
various kinds of social media (24%) are particularly important.
Such side-door access through various intermediaries over which
news publishers themselves have limited control is far more
important among our Indian respondents than it is for online
news users in a market like the US. In fact, a higher proportion
of Indian respondents rely on distributed discovery as the main
gateway to news than is the case among respondents in other
developing markets like Brazil and Turkey.
The rise of distributed discovery presents new, convenient,
and oen engaging ways of accessing and using news, but also
means that the ow of information is increasingly inuenced by
algorithmic selection. Judging from our data, there is at this stage
limited awareness of this fact, with just 26% of our respondents
recognising that algorithms make decisions on what news stories to
show on Facebook (with 18% believing these decisions are made by
editors and journalists working for the social media company).
Faced with the rise of distributed discovery, many publishers are
investing in search engine optimisation, social media distribution,
and the like, and developing forms of side-door access over
which they have more control, like mobile alerts or notications
– identied by 12% of our respondents as their main source of
online news.
. SOCIAL MEDIA AS GATEWAYS TO NEWS
More than half of our Indian respondents report getting news
from social media, and a quarter identify social media as their
main source of online news.
Asked about individual platforms, Facebook’s main eponymous
social media platform (75%) and the company’s messaging
application WhatsApp (82%) are the most widely used in India
(90% of users surveyed use at least one Facebook product weekly,
for any purpose). Facebook and WhatsApp are also the most
widely used for news – 52% of our respondents say they get news
via Facebook, and 52% say they get news via WhatsApp, similar
gures to those seen in a market like Brazil.
Other social media widely used for news (or where users are
often exposed to news while using the platform for other
purposes) include Instagram (26%), Twitter (18%), and Facebook’s
Messenger (16%) – whereas, for example, Snapchat is much less
widely used (5%).
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 10
Many Indian publishers are investing in social media teams to
reach online audiences through these intermediaries, which in
turn simultaneously helps them increase their reach but leaves
them exposed to sometimes dramatic changes to how ranking
algorithms or other platform infrastructures work. In many
online newsrooms journalists and editors try to ensure that their
news content performs well on Facebook even as the platform’s
algorithms and wider strategy constantly evolve.
8
Facebook is identied as a site used for news by almost three times
as many respondents as Twitter, but despite its much smaller
user base and the fact that it generates less website trac and
engagement, Twitter is still an important platform for breaking news
and a lively and oen unruly and uncomfortable part of online public
debate. In India, Twitter is seen by some as a toxic environment,
especially for women
9
and people belonging to the Dalit-Bahujan
and Adivasi community and other gender and sexual minorities.
10
However, Twitter has also served as an important platform for India’s
#MeToo movement, where a concerted eort by women journalists
to identify sexual predators and serial harassers in the news industry
began and gained momentum on Twitter. Several legacy and
digital-born publishers have built wide Twitter followings.
8
Aneez et al. 2017.
9
Bass 2018.
10
Soundararajan 2018.
Dierent forms of distributed discovery are not mutually
exclusive. For example, 35% of our respondents use Facebook
and WhatsApp for news, and a signicant subset of these in turn
also get news from social media like Instagram or Twitter.
/ 11 10
. NAVIGATING NEWS ON SOCIAL MEDIA
Given the massive ow of information from various sources on
these platforms, we asked respondents how they decide what
to click on when navigating news on social media: 56% say they
decide on the basis of who shared the post while for 63% the
headline is very important and for 58% the brand.
Oen these social cues and source cues are used in combination,
and one does not preclude the other – but our research documents
that the social cues (who shares a story) are more important in
India than in many other markets. This is in line with ndings in a
BBC report on disinformation in India that also found that rather
than questioning the source of the news, study participants relied
on alternative markers like number of comments, images, and the
sender of the messages.
11
. WHATSAPP WIDELY USED FOR NEWS
WhatsApp is not only very widely used in India, but also widely
used by our respondents for news. While search engines and
social media are increasingly important gateways to online
news across the world, the use of messaging applications like
WhatsApp and their role in the discovery of news vary widely from
country to country. Of our respondents, 82% use the messaging
application, and 52% reported getting news on WhatsApp, far
higher numbers than most markets in Europe and North America
but comparable, for example, to Brazil.
The number of WhatsApp users in India has reportedly doubled
from 2017 to 2018, and the ease of transferring multimedia
content to large private groups makes WhatsApp unique among
other social media platforms studied here.
12
The messaging
application is increasingly ubiquitous not only among general
users, but also in many India newsrooms where journalists
use it to enable quick transfer of multimedia content and
dissemination of content among editorial sta.
13
11
Chakrabarti et al. 2018.
12
Kumar and Kumar 2018.
13
Aneez et al. 2016.
14
Chakrabarti et al. 2018.
15
McLaughlin 2018.
Among our respondents, 40% of WhatsApp news users said
they have forwarded a news story during the past week. This is
certainly an important dynamic in the context of India, as news
consumed over WhatsApp is more likely to be shared by like-
minded individuals in a group. Large-scale group forwarding can
disseminate legitimate news to wide audiences, but has in some
instances also helped disinformation and rumours reach a very
large number of users.
14
As a result of its rising popularity as a way to share news, most
oen in closed groups, WhatsApp is thus increasingly seen as
part of India’s growing online disinformation problems.
The platform was among one of the channels used to spread
rumours that led to attacks on groups and individuals across the
country.
15
End-to-end encryption makes it dicult to identify
the source and track the spread of messages on it. It also makes
it dicult for news publishers (and others) to study reach and
engagement of their content through the platform.
In late 2018, the Indian government formally asked WhatsApp to
work towards altering features that allow the platform to be used
to disseminate disinformation at scale and the company has since
taken some measures to restrict the sharing of content on the
platform, including limiting the number of times messages can
be forwarded.
Disinformation problems and growing public scrutiny of
WhatsApp has clearly not deterred news publishers, who are
increasingly seeking to use the messaging application to reach
readers. Both legacy publishers like The Times of India and digital-
born publishers like Firstpost and The Quint, for example, now
provide WhatsApp subscriptions to their publications.
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 12
16
EY-India 2018.
17
Media Research Users Council 2017.
18
Wang and Sparks 2019.
. ONLINE AND OFFLINE SOURCES OF NEWS
Even as the move to digital media has challenged newspapers and
broadcasters in much of the world, the print and television news
industry in India has continued to grow – though at a decreasing
rate.
16
With much of the population still oine, hundreds of
millions of Indians still turn to newspapers, television and radio
as their main sources of news.
17
(How resilient oine media will
be in the face of digital alternatives is an open question. In China,
newspaper circulation peaked as recently as 2012, but newspaper
advertising revenues declined by 75% from 2012 to 2016 as digital
media grew rapidly.
18
)
Among our respondents, English-speaking Indians with access
to the internet, oine sources remain important, but online
sources dominate, especially among younger people. The number
of internet users who identify online news as their main source
of news is directly comparable to the proportion in a country like
Brazil or the US. However, especially older Indian online news
users still supplement online news with television and print to
a higher extent than we see in other countries.
Among respondents over 35, online (38%) and television (34%)
are about equally widely named as the main source of news, and
print (27%) still more widely relied on than social media (19%).
But among respondents under 35, online generally (56%) and
social media specically (28%) are named as the main source of
news by many more than print (16%) and even television (26%).
. News and Participation
The fact that our survey covers only English speakers with
internet access is key here; the number of people accessing news
via print and television will be higher for regional language news
consumers and most obviously for those without internet access,
though as mobile web use spreads we expect to see this to change
in the years ahead.
. INEQUALITIES IN HOW PEOPLE ACCESS NEWS
English-language Indian internet users have access to a multitude
of legacy and digital-born news sources, but given this access,
how do their habits vary by interest and frequency of use?
Roughly six in ten of our respondents say they have a high interest
in news – about the same as in the United States but lower than
those in Turkey or Brazil. Nine out of ten report accessing news at
least once a day, showing how news routines can be regular even
when interest is moderate.
Accessing news is far from equally distributed, even among
internet users. By looking at level of interest and frequency of use,
we can segment our respondents into news lovers, daily briefers,
and casual users. News lovers (26%) have very high interest in
news and access news more than ve times a day. At the opposite
end of our segmentation are casual users (36%), who typically
show little or no interest in news and oen access news less oen
than once a day. Daily briefers (38%) occupy a middle ground with
at least some interest in news and access news at least daily.
/ 13 12
All three groups use high numbers of dierent sources compared
to their peers in other countries, perhaps indicative of a tradition
among many Indians to read several papers regularly (enabled
by low cover prices). News lovers on average say they’ve used
11.2 dierent sources in the past week, casual users 7.5, and daily
briefers 5.7. The distribution across the three groups is broadly
similar to what we have found in other countries, where news
lovers consistently make up a minority, greatly outnumbered
by daily briefers and casual users.
19
But among our sample of
English-language online news users, most respondents use
more sources of news than their peers in other countries.
. ENGAGING WITH ONLINE NEWS
Beyond consuming news, internet users have many other
opportunities to engage with news online by commenting, sharing,
and the like, whether via social media or older means like email.
Among our Indian respondents, the levels of participation are
higher than those seen, for example, in the United States and are
comparable to those seen in countries like Brazil and Turkey.
19
Newman et al. 2018.
Online news engagement among our English-language
respondents is primarily driven by sharing. Our data suggest
that Indian users share a little less on social media and email as
compared to users in Brazil or Turkey, but they still share much
more than users in the United States. Facebook, as the most
widely used social media platform, and WhatsApp, as the most
widely used messaging application, are central to how Indians
engage with online news.
Looking at Facebook, our respondents are particularly engaged,
with 69% saying they’ve looked at or clicked on news, 54% have
posted or shared news, and 41% have taken part in a group or
private discussion about news.
For WhatsApp, the numbers are similar, again, 60% have looked
at or clicked on news, 46% posted or shared, and 39% taken part
in group or private discussions. On both platforms, our Indian
respondents are more engaged in group and private discussions
than in most of the markets we compare them with here.
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 14
. HIGH LEVELS OF PARTICIPATION, CAUTION
AROUND POLITICAL EXPRESSION
The high levels of engagement with news on social media
documented above are accompanied by high levels of concern
about the possible consequences of expressing political views
on the internet. Asked to consider the statements ‘I tend to
think carefully about expressing my political views openly on
the internet because this could get me into trouble with the
authorities’, ‘I tend to think carefully about expressing my
political views openly on the internet because this could this
could make friends or family think dierently about me’ and
‘I tend to think carefully expressing my political views openly on
the internet because this could make work colleagues or other
acquaintances think dierently about me’, Indian respondents
express signicantly higher levels of concern in all three areas
than respondents in the United States. The levels of concern
are directly comparable to those found in Brazil and in Turkey.
These high levels of concern could be based in part on recent
events in India. Since 2012 at least 17 people have been
arrested for posting material that was considered oensive
or threatening to a politician. Arrests have included people
speaking out against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, former
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Bengal Chief Minister Mamata
Banerjee, and more recently, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi
Adityanath. As recently as December 2018, a journalist was
jailed for criticising the BJP and Manipur Chief Minister.
To examine the possible link between political sympathies and
concern over expressing views online, we analysed the responses
by party preference. The only dierence we found is that that non-
partisans express less concern than do partisans of any persuasion.
/ 15 14
. LEGACY BRANDS POPULAR WITH ONLINE
NEWS CONSUMERS
As Indian internet users increasingly turn to online sources of
news, they oen opt for the digital oerings of legacy brands. NDTV
(56% oine, 47% online) and The Times of India (46% oine, 40%
online) are far more widely used among our respondents than
any other brands. The strong preference for just a couple of news
organisations has similarities with Brazil – where Rede Globo’s
television and digital oerings have very high reach – and is very
dierent from a market like the United States, where no brands
have comparable reach.
Beyond NDTV and The Times of India, other legacy brands like the
Hindustan Times, The Hindu, and the Indian Express are among the
top ten news websites by reach. Aggregators like Yahoo!, Redi
and MSN are also widely used, and the BBC has signicant reach
across broadcast (27%) and online (23%) among our English-
language respondents.
. Brands and Trust
Online, new digital-born media such as Firstpost and Scoopwhoop
are attracting a signicant percentage of weekly users. Other new
online entrants like the non-prot The Wire (7%) and the news site
Scroll (5%) have smaller weekly audiences than the major legacy
brands and the most widely used digital brands.
As a clear illustration of how digital and print still supplement
rather than supplant each other for many users in India, a
number of major English-language Indian newspapers have
wider oine reach than online reach – a very dierent scenario
from most other markets covered in the Digital News Report
research, where newspapers tend to have far smaller oine
reach than online reach.
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 16
. ALTERNATIVE AND PARTISAN NEWS SITES
EMBRACED BY SOME
Like other countries, India has seen a growing number of new
alternative and partisan websites launched by entrepreneurs
leveraging the lower barriers of entry that digital media provide,
the potential for reaching a signicant audience especially on
social media, and the appetite in some parts of the public for
new and sometimes highly ideologically charged angles on news
and public aairs.
20
Our research shows that, despite their increased visibility and
sometimes highly motivated and vocal audiences, most of these
publishers have only a relatively limited and small audience. Few
of our respondents are even aware of most of these sites, and even
fewer say they have actually accessed them in the last week.
The main exceptions to the limited reach of most of these sites
are brands like The Logical Indian (15%), OneIndia (16%), and
IndiaFacts (10%), all of which are relatively widely known among
our respondents and have built signicant audiences – all have far
wider reach among our English-language Indian respondents than
major alternative and partisan news sites like Breitbart (7%) and
Occupy Democrats (5%) have in the United States. (Among these
three most accessed websites, The Logical Indian is seen by many
as close to the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), IndiaFacts is seen by many
as right-leaning and close to the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP).)
Despite the evident success of some of these sites, it is worth
highlighting that 56% of our respondents have not used any of
these in the past week, and only IndiaFacts, OneIndia, and the
Logical Indian have name recognition among 20% or more of
our respondents. This is dierent from the United States, where
many alternative and partisan news sites have far higher name
recognition (though few loyal users).
20
We follow the denition in the Digital News Report (Newman et al. 2018) of alternative and partisan news sites as websites or blogs that oen have a political or ideological agenda and
a user base that tends to share these oen partisan views. Most were created relatively recently and are mainly distributed through social media. The motivation may not be purely
political as there may also be a strong business opportunity in focusing on these topics. The narrowness of their focus also separates them from some established news sites, which
may also have a reputation for partisan political coverage.
21
https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/our-research/news-brand-attribution-distributed-environments-do-people-know-where-they-get-their
To learn more about the perception that these websites are
aligned with one political party or other, we compared users
of these websites with their preferred website with reported
political aliation but found no signicant trends – though it was
evident that users who aligned with any political party were more
likely to use these sites in their daily news consumption.
An open-ended survey question about what draws users to
these websites generated some interesting responses. Some
repondents say they feel mainstream media do not represent
them and want news outlets that represent their views. Users nd
news on these sites to be ‘genuine’, ‘to-the-point’, and ‘accessible’.
“I use them because they give the accurate picture of
what is going on in our society in a clear and short way.”
(Male, 35, user of Oneindia.com and The Logical Indian)
“It’s not like that I am a permanent visitor of this
news website but sometimes, especially when I am
fact checking about some fake news, then I do use
this website.”
(Male, 29, user of Oneindia.com)
. TRUST IN NEWS MEDIA VERSUS PLATFORMS
As Indians increasingly use digital media to access and engage
with news, their trust in various forms of news will evolve. Reuters
Institute research in other countries has already documented how
trust plays out dierently as direct discovery of news via websites
and apps is increasingly supplemented with distributed discovery
via search engines and social media, and how social changes such
as political polarisation can inuence trust in news.
21
Our survey of English-language internet users in India captures
a very particular trust landscape characterised by low trust
in news in general, combined with higher levels of trust in
distributed channels like search and social.
/ 17 16
Only 39% of our respondents say they trust the ‘news they
use’ most of the time, and just 36% say they trust the ‘news in
general’ most of the time. The low overall level of trust in news
in general here is comparable to what we have found in both
Turkey and the United States (but significantly lower than, for
example, Brazil). Where India stands out is in the very small
difference – just three percentage points – between trust in the
news people actually use versus their trust in news in general.
(In the United States, for comparison, the difference is 16
percentage points, and in Turkey five.)
Given these low levels of trust, it is striking that our respondents
express greater condence in the news they access via search
engines (45%) and similar levels of trust in the news they access via
social media (34%). In many other countries, trust in news accessed
via distributed means of discovery is signicantly lower than trust
in news in general and especially the news people routinely use,
but in India, respondents seem to nd that algorithmic forms of
selection enhance – or at least do not erode – trustworthiness.
Trust in news is deeply tied up with wider social and political
issues, and in many countries, political partisanship is strongly
correlated with trust in the news. India displays a dierent pattern,
where trust among both those respondents who identify with
the BJP and those who identify with parties currently or recently
aligned with the UPA generally trust the news more than those
respondents who do not identify as partisans, perhaps suggesting
some discontent with the perceived relations between much of the
political establishment and the news media covering it.
. BRAND LEVEL TRUST
While levels of trust in the news are generally low among our
respondents, at the level of individual brands there is signicant
variation. Asked to score a wide selection of dierent types of news
brands (TV, print, digital-born) on a scale from 0 to 10 where 0 is ‘not
at all trustworthy’ and 10 is ‘completely trustworthy’, some brands
are scored highly both by those who use the brand and those who
are aware of it but have not used it in the past week, whereas other
brands are only scored highly by their users and far less highly by
those who know the brand in question but do not use it.
In a powerful illustration of how familiarity and a long record
can help build trust, the most broadly trusted brands are all
legacy brands, including both newspapers like The Times of
India, Hindustan Times, and Indian Express as well as television
channels like DD News and NDTV. By contrast, newer entrants,
whether television stations like Republic TV or digital-born sites
like FirstPost, The Wire, and OpIndia, while highly rated by their
own users, are signicantly less trusted more broadly.
To examine the intersection between partisanship and trust, we
have analysed variation in trust at the brand level by political
orientation. The overall pattern reects our more general ndings
regarding trust – that non-partisans tend to trust individual brands
less than partisans, just as they trust the news in general less
than partisans. In most cases, respondents who identify with the
BJP trust individual news brands more than other respondents,
especially Republic TV. The only exceptions to this pattern are
NDTV and The Wire, both of these are more highly trusted by
respondents who identify with parties currently or recently aligned
with the UPA. It is important to stress, however, that most of these
dierences are small, and partisanship is far less correlated with
trust in news in India than it is in, for example, the United States.
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 18
/ 19 18
. Disinformation
. DISINFORMATION PERCEPTIONS, CONCERNS,
AND EXPOSURE
In a highly politicised context, a country with a history of communal
violence and characterised by explosively growing access to new
digital media and low trust in news, disinformation has emerged
as a pressing issue in India. Of our respondents, 57% say they are
concerned about what is real and what is fake on the internet,
a number comparable to levels of concern in Turkey and the
United States.
Growing use of social media and messaging applications has been
accompanied by a series of troubling incidents, including a wave
of violence spurred in part by messages shared on WhatsApp and
Facebook. A BBC article from August 2018 suggests that at least 25
people have been lynched by mobs aer reading false news spread
on WhatsApp.
22
(It is worth noting that respondents who say they use
Facebook and/or WhatsApp for news do not report higher levels of
concern over whether the news they come across is real or fake.)
To better understand disinformation problems in India, we
asked our sample of English-language internet users about
their exposure to and concern over dierent types of potentially
problematic content that previous research for the Reuters
Institute identied as examples of what the public associate with
‘fake news’ and disinformation.
23
The categories include false
news narrowly dened (‘Stories that are completely made up for
political or commercial reasons’) but also hyperpartisan political
content, whether from politicians, pundits, or publishers (‘Stories
where facts are spun or twisted to push a particular agenda’),
‘poor journalism’ (stories that respondents consider marred
by factual mistakes, inaccuracies, etc.), and more.
Levels of concern over all these categories are high in India, with
the majority of our respondents expressing concern over hyper-
partisan content (51%), false news (50%), and poor journalism
(51%) – the percentage of respondents who in addition say that
they themselves have come across such problematic content in
the last week is generally lower, but still comparatively high, with
around four in ten reporting exposure. (We should stress here again
our sample are English speakers and that results might dier
considerably among users who consume and share news and
information in their local languages.)
Given the high levels of concern over hyperpartisan content, the
political context of disinformation, and evidence that some political
groups have actively disseminated disinformation, we examined
levels of concern and exposure by political leaning.
24
There are,
however, no partisan dierences. Concern over disinformation
and false news are similar across all our respondents regardless
of which party they support.
. WHO IS RESPONSIBLE FOR FIXING
DISINFORMATION ISSUES?
Given that many respondents agreed that India is plagued by a
range of disinformation issues, it is important to understand
who, if anyone, they believe should act to address these issues.
We asked respondents whether they felt publishers, platform
companies, and/or the government should do more to make it
easier to separate what is real and what is fake on the internet,
and reminded them that any action to decrease/reduce the
amount of misinformation (in the media or in social media) is
likely to have the consequence of reducing, to some extent,
the range of real or legitimate news or opinion available.
We nd considerable appetite for action against disinformation
and action from all dierent actors. Regardless of political
aliation, about two-thirds of our respondents felt that
publishers, platforms, and/or the government should all do
more to address disinformation problems. Compared to the
United States, our India respondents express similar levels of
appetite for action from publishers and platforms, and
signicantly greater appetite for government action.
22
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-45140158
23
Nielsen and Graves 2017.
24
A BBC report released in Dec. 2018 states that a signicant portion of the news being shared was political, and that right-wing networks were much more organised than the le when
it came to spreading fake nationalistic stories, including ones about the personality and prowess of Prime Minister Narendra Modi – see Chakrabarti et al. 2018.
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 20
. Future Trends
. MOBILE APPLICATIONS AND ALERTS
As noted, 68% of our respondents name their smartphone as
their main device for accessing online news. The move to mobile
phones has clearly gone hand-in-hand with the move to distributed
discovery, where social media and other platform intermediaries
are becoming more important than conventional forms of direct
access. But publishers who have invested in mobile strategies are
seeing a return as smartphones also oer new ways of serving their
users. The fact that 12% of our respondents identied mobile alerts
as their main way of accessing online news suggests publishers
with eective mobile strategies have future opportunities to retain
a direct connection with their readers. While 50% of respondents
say they get the right number of news notications, 34% say they
get too many. For publishers interested in expanding their reach
and serving their audiences via mobile alerts, it is important to
understand what might convince people to sign up. We asked
those who do not currently receive news alerts what might
convince them to sign up, and while 17% say ‘nothing’ could,
more express an appetite for controlled, personalised alerts.
. APPETITE FOR ONLINE NEWS VIDEO
Online news video is another area with potential for growth,
and one in which many Indian publishers are already investing.
25
While a challenging area where substantial investments have
oen failed to meet high expectations elsewhere, as users who
increasingly embrace both high-end on-demand premium video
and short, sharable, social forms of video still seem to have a
modest appetite for online news video, the Indian market seems
to have potential for growth. And though English-language Indian
internet users currently consume more text over video, there is
an appetite for more video in the future – 35% of our respondents
say they would like to see more online video news. Despite many
still reading text stories, there seems to be an appetite for more
videos among internet users of all ages.
25
https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/our-research/indian-news-media-and-production-news-age-social-discovery
26
KPMG 2018.
. VIDEO VIEWING MOVING OFFSITE
From publishers’ point of view, the appetite for more online news
video is an opportunity, but the majority of online news video
viewing is taking place osite. Just 35% of our respondents say
they have watched online video news on a publisher’s website or
app, compared to 73% who have watched online video news on
osite platforms like YouTube and Facebook. (The numbers add
up to more than 100 because a signicant minority watch online
news video both on- and osite.) This is broadly in line with other
industry research suggesting YouTube and Facebook account for
60–70% of total online video consumption in India.
26
/ 21 20
. ADBLOCKING ESPECIALLY AMONG YOUNGER
USERS A THREAT TO THE BUSINESS
Given Indian publishers’ reliance on advertising revenues,
widespread ad-blocking is a challenge for the business of online
news. Even though many publishers have taken steps to tackle
ad-blocking, a third of our respondents continue to use ad-blockers.
This is in line with other industry research which has suggested
at least 122 million Indians use ad-blockers, and that ad-blocking
is prevalent on both mobile and desktop.
27
. OPPORTUNITIES AROUND VOICEACTIVATED
SPEAKERS AND AUDIO
Another growing segment (though from a very low base in India) is
voice-activated speakers like Alexa and Google Home: 9% of our
English-language internet user respondents say they currently
use a voice-activated system, and more than half of these (5%)
use them to access news. Like publishers elsewhere, Indian news
media need to think about their strategy for this rapidly evolving
segment. Audio more broadly also oers opportunities, with
growing popularity among Indian internet users as well. Among
our respondents, the most popular podcasts are from traditional
Indian news brands like The Times of India, NDTV and Aaj Tak, but
international brands like TED, Oprah, and YouTube personality
Logan Paul are also popular.
. WILL INDIANS PAY FOR ONLINE NEWS?
In an increasingly competitive market for online advertising,
where audiences are embracing ad-blocking, and where
advertisers oen opt for the cheap, targeted options provided
by large platform companies, Indian publishers’ reliance on
advertising puts them at risk. Some are reconsidering their
strategy and business models and have been experimenting
with new pay models, some of them subscription based.
27
Punit 2016.
Widely used legacy brands like NDTV and The Times of India do not
have a paywall on their website, but they do oer subscription-
based mobile apps: NDTV app users can pay INR 550 (US$ 7.73)
annually for an ad-free experience and The Times of India’s ET
Prime recently launched a morning brieng app with a yearly
subscription for INR 2499 (US$ 35.11). The nancial newspaper
the Business Standard has operated a subscription model for
some time, the digital-born news site Scroll has introduced
Scroll+ oering exclusive subscriber benets, and the online-only
The Ken launched in 2017 with a subscription-based model. Other
publications are experimenting with subscription-based podcasts,
micropayments, and experiences.
The audience reaction to
growing experimentation
with pay models in Indian
journalism is still unclear.
A quarter of our English-
language, internet using
respondents say that they
have paid in some form for
some kind of digital news
in the last year, a gure that
will include many dierent
kinds of payments, many
not primarily for online
news (for example, print
subscriptions that come with
digital benets), is based
on recall which can lead to
overstatements, and is in any
case not representative of the
wider Indian media market.
More signicantly, our survey documents a considerable willingness
to pay for online news in the future. Of our respondents who do not
currently pay, 39% said they are at least ‘somewhat likely’ to pay for
news in the next year (much more than users in the United States),
and 9% said they were ‘very likely’ to pay for online news in the
future. This suggests that Indian publishers who can put together
a convincing content oering around great journalism, and deliver
it in a compelling way, have an opportunity to reach a signicant
number of potential subscribers.
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 22
. WILL MORE PEOPLE DONATE TO NEWS?
With news organisations like Newslaundry and The Wire already
operating on a donations model, and non-prot news growing
around the world, it remains to be seen how many Indians
will donate to news. As in other markets, Indian internet users
displayed high levels of agreement with the idea that news
organisations should ask for donations from the public if they are
unable to cover their costs in other ways. Of our respondents, 10%
‘strongly agreed’ they would consider donating to a news outlet if
they were unable to cover their costs in other ways, suggesting
signicant potential for growing donation-based models.
When asked in open-ended survey questions why they might
donate to support news, respondents gave a range of dierent
reasons, from a desire to maintain standards, to concerns over
media freedom, to a desire to support entrepreneurialism.
“Because in the age of fake news it is very hard to
get the original content. But there are some media
websites and persons who are trying to maintain
the dignity of journalism and that’s why I support
them by donating. ”
(Male, 29)
“The digital news service is necessary for freedom
of media.”
(Male, 27)
“It will encourage more start-ups. ”
(Female, 21)
/ 23 22
Conclusion
In this report we have presented a snapshot of how
English-language internet users in India engage
with news and media, and shown that they are
embracing a mobile-rst, platform-dominated
media environment where search engines, social
media, and messaging applications play a key
role in how people access and use news. We also
nd that our respondents have low trust in many
news media, high concerns over the possible
implications of expressing political views, and are
worried about dierent kinds of disinformation.
We have studied only the news and media habits and opinions
of English-language internet users and our results should thus
not be taken as representative of the wider Indian media scene,
but the results presented here provide useful evidence on how
a signicant subset of the Indian public engages with news, and
provide publishers and others interested in serving this part of
the Indian public with important information about current and
future trends.
It is clear that we should expect to see the rapid move to digital,
mobile, and platform media continue, both due to growing internet
access across India, and due to generational replacement.
This move presents Indian publishers with a range of important
opportunities including developing their mobile oerings, their
news alerts, and their email newsletters to better serve domestic
and overseas audiences, as well as the opportunity to leverage
distributed discovery to reach people who do not come direct
to publishers (the majority of our respondents). It also presents
them with clear challenges, as digital media become a more
and more important part of the overall Indian media landscape,
competition for attention and advertising will intensify, and
legacy publishers used to dominating their home market will face
intensied competition from smaller digital-born new entrants
and, most importantly, from large platform companies.
The evolving relationship between publishers and platforms will
shape the wider evolution of Indian journalism and the Indian news
media industry, with hundreds of millions of new users coming
online in the years ahead, and opportunities around mobile, video,
and voice, but also challenges as digital advertising may not go
to publishers, who will have to consider other sources of revenue
to fund their journalism, including, for some, advertising beyond
display, donations, or pay models.
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 24
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BOOKS
NGOs as Newsmakers: The Changing Landscape of International
News
Matthew Powers (published with Columbia University Press)
Global Teamwork: The Rise of Collaboration in Investigative
Journalism
Richard Sambrook (ed)
Innovators in Digital News
Lucy Kueng (published with I.B.Tauris)
REPORTS
More Important, But Less Robust? Five Things Everybody Needs
to Know about the Future of Journalism
Rasmus Kleis Nielsen and Meera Selva
GLASNOST! Nine ways Facebook can make itself a better forum
for free speech and democracy
Timothy Garton Ash, Robert Gorwa, and Danaë Metaxa
Coming of Age: Developments in Digital-Born News Media in Europe
Tom Nicholls, Nabeelah Shabbir, Lucas Graves, and Rasmus
Kleis Nielsen
Time to Step Away From the ‘Bright, Shiny Things’? Towards A Sustainable
Model of Journalism Innovation in an Era of Perpetual Change
Julie Posetti
Indian News Media and the Production of News in the Age of
Social Discovery
Zeenab Aneez, Sumandro Chattapadhyay, Vibod Parthasarathi,
and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen
Going Digital: A Roadmap for Organisational Transformation
Lucy Kueng
‘I Saw the News on Facebook’: Brand Attribution when Accessing
News from Distributed Environments
Antonis Kalogeropoulos and Nic Newman
Virtual Reality and 360 Video for News
Zillah Watson
Indian Newspapers Digital Transition: Dainik Jagran, Hindustan
Times, and Malayala Manorama
Zeenab Aneez, Sumandro Chattapadhyay, Vibodh Parthasarathi,
and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen
Digital Journalism Start-Ups in India.
Arijit Sen and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen.
FACTSHEETS
An Industry-Led Debate: How UK Media Cover Articial Intelligence
J. Scott Brennen, Philip N. Howard, and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen
‘News You Don’t Believe’: Audience Perspectives on ‘Fake News’
Rasmus Kleis Nielsen and Lucas Graves
Selected RISJ Publications
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / India Digital News Report 26
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