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Cracks in the Ivory Tower: How the Campus
Sexual Violence Elimination Act Can Protect
Students from Sexual Assault
Lauren P. Schroeder
Loyola University Chicago, School of Law
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1195
Cracks in the Ivory Tower: How the Campus Sexual
Violence Elimination Act Can Protect Students from
Sexual Assault
Lauren P. Schroeder*
Sexual assault is a pervasive problem on college campuses, yet
colleges and universities are frequently criticized for their failure to
address it. As a result, Congress passed the Campus Sexual Violence
Elimination Act (“Campus SaVE Act”) in 2013. The Campus SaVE Act
aims to address the unique needs of victims of sexual assault on college
campuses by adding much needed protections for students, such as
mandating increased reporting of crime statistics. Moreover, the Act
helps students by requiring schools to create plans to prevent this
violence, to educate victims on their rights and resources, and to detail
processes that are taken after a report of sexual assault is made. This
Comment analyzes the Campus SaVE Act and makes suggestions for
improving its effectiveness in reducing sexual violence on college
campuses.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................... 1196
I. BACKGROUND .............................................................................. 1198
A. The Current State of Sexual Assault on College
Campuses .............................................................................. 1199
B. Title IX ................................................................................... 1201
1. History and Requirements of Title IX............................. 1202
* Loyola University Chicago, J.D./M.P.P. expected May 2015. I owe an enormous debt of
gratitude to my family and friends, especially my parents, Leslie and Tom Schroeder, for their
unconditional love and support in this and all of my endeavors. Many thanks to DePaul
University College of Law Professor Jody Raphael for her expertise and advice throughout this
entire process, as well as the Junior Members and Editorial Board of the Loyola University
Chicago Law Journal for all of their hard work and constructive feedback on this Comment.
Finally, thank you to Lizzy Seeberg, whose life will always inspire me and whose friendship I
will always cherish.
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1196 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
2. Title IX Complaints ........................................................ 1207
3. Title IX Lawsuits ............................................................ 1210
C. The Clery Act ......................................................................... 1211
1. History............................................................................. 1212
2. Basic Requirements of the Clery Act .............................. 1213
3. Complaints Under the Clery Act ..................................... 1214
D. Campus Responses to Sexual Assault Reports ...................... 1216
1. General Findings ............................................................. 1216
2. Marquette University ...................................................... 1218
3. University of Colorado Boulder ...................................... 1219
4. The University of Notre Dame ....................................... 1221
II. DISCUSSION .................................................................................. 1224
A. Legislative History of the Campus SaVE Act ........................ 1224
B. Provisions of the Campus SaVE Act ..................................... 1225
III. ANALYSIS ..................................................................................... 1228
A. Strengths of the Campus SaVE Act ....................................... 1228
B. Weaknesses of the Campus SaVE Act ................................... 1233
IV. PROPOSAL ..................................................................................... 1236
CONCLUSION ....................................................................................... 1242
INTRODUCTION
Research indicates that 5% of college women are raped annually
while at college,
1
yet few victims report these assaults to law
1
. BONNIE S. FISHER ET AL., U.S. DEP’T OF JUSTICE, THE SEXUAL VICTIMIZATION OF
COLLEGE WOMEN 10 (2000), available at https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/182369.pdf; DEAN
G. KILPATRICK ET AL., U.S. DEP’T OF JUSTICE, DRUG-FACILITATED, INCAPACITATED, AND
FORCIBLE RAPE: A NATIONAL STUDY 24 ex.7 (2007), available at
https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/219181.pdf. Additionally, in a study of 5446 women,
researchers found that 28.5% reported experiencing attempted or completed sexual assault before
or since entering college. CHRISTOPHER P. KREBS ET AL., U.S. DEP’T OF JUSTICE, THE CAMPUS
SEXUAL ASSAULT (CSA) STUDY xii (2007), available at https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdf
files1/nij/grants/221153.pdf. There is some debate over how to accurately estimate the
prevalence of rape on college campuses. See JODY RAPHAEL, RAPE IS RAPE: HOW DENIAL,
DISTORTION, AND VICTIM BLAMING ARE FUELING A HIDDEN ACQUAINTANCE RAPE CRISIS 87
(2013) (cautioning readers on interpreting campus-rape research due to the different time frames
used by researchers). The oft-cited 20% estimate, FISHER ET AL., supra, at 10 (finding that the
percentage of competed or attempted rape victimization on college campuses might climb to
between one-fifth and one-quarter); RANA SAMPSON, U.S. DEP’T OF JUSTICE, ACQUAINTANCE
RAPE OF COLLEGE STUDENTS 8 (2011), available at http://www.cops.usdoj.gov/
Publications/POP_Acquaintance%20Rape033012b.pdf (measuring instances of sexual assault for
college women since the age of fourteen (citing the Fisher study)), might not be reliable because
it was obtained by multiplying the yearly rate by four or five for the college years. See RAPHAEL,
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2014] Cracks in the Ivory Tower 1197
enforcement or school officials.
2
A study completed for the U.S.
Department of Justice found that 95.2% of completed rapes and 95.8%
of attempted rates are not reported to law enforcement officials.
3
Commonly cited reasons for not reporting include fear of retaliation by
the assailant, mistrust of the campus judicial system, and fear of blame
and disbelief by officials.
4
Although college men are raped
significantly less than college women, data suggest that when they are
raped, the perpetrator is another male.
5
Congress has recently made efforts to address this problem by
including a measure in the Violence Against Women Reauthorization
Act of 2013 (“VAWA”) called the Campus Sexual Violence
Elimination Act (the “Campus SaVE Act”).
6
VAWA was signed into
law on March 7, 2013 and the Campus SaVE Act went into effect in
March 2014.
7
The Campus SaVE Act specifically addresses the unique
needs of victims on college campuses by adding much needed
protections for students, such as mandating increased reporting of crime
supra, at 87 (noting the 20% estimate was a “lifetime prevalence” and not specifically a “campus-
rape rate”). Finally, capturing data on male rape victims is much more difficult, but what has
been discovered suggests that when men are raped, the perpetrator is usually another male.
SAMPSON, supra, at 8.
2
. See FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 24 ex.12 (finding 95.2% of completed rapes and 95.8%
of attempted rapes were not reported to law enforcement officials); see also SAMPSON, supra note
1, at 9 (stating that less than 5% of victims report the assault).
3
. FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 24 ex.12; see also KILPATRICK ET AL., supra note 1, at 44
ex.36 (finding that only 7% of victims of a drug and alcohol facilitated rape reported the assault
to police).
4
. See FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 23–26 ex.12 (asking victims why they did not report the
victimization); see also KILPATRICK ET AL., supra note 1, at 47–48 exs.41 & 42 (detailing the
most common reasons for not reporting a sexual assault in a sample of college women);
SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 9–10 (listing the most common reasons for not reporting a sexual
assault). The Kilpatrick study also found that the most important concerns of college rape victims
include being blamed by others and others knowing. See KILPATRICK ET AL., supra note 1, at
39–40 exs.31 & 32 (asking about the concerns of rape victims).
5
. See SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 8 (recognizing the difficulty of capturing data about male
rape victims). Though the Campus SaVE Act was signed into law as a part of the Violence
Against Women Act Reauthorization Act of 2013, see infra text accompanying note 6, it amends
the Clery Act, an Act designed to address campus crime, see infra Part I.C. Therefore, the gender
of the victim is irrelevant to whether the Campus SaVE Act will apply. However, as stated, the
majority of sexual assault victims on college campuses are women and therefore women are more
likely to benefit from this legislation.
6
. VAWA Reauthorization, CLERY CENTER FOR SECURITY ON CAMPUS,
http://clerycenter.org/article/vawa-reauthorization (last visited Feb. 23, 2014).
7
. Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2013, Pub. L. No. 113-4, §4, 127 Stat. 54,
64 (not taking effect until the beginning of the fiscal year following the date of enactment); New
Requirements Imposed by the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, AM. COUNCIL ON
EDUC. 1 (Apr. 1, 2013), http://www.acenet.edu/news-room/Documents/VAWA-Summary.pdf
(noting the effective date of the Campus SaVE Act).
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1198 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
statistics. Moreover, the Act aims to protect students by requiring
schools to create plans to prevent this violence, to educate victims on
their rights and resources, and to detail processes that are taken after a
report of sexual assault is made.
8
The Campus SaVE Act, however, will only work if it is implemented
correctly. This Comment analyzes the Campus SaVE Act and makes
suggestions for improving its effectiveness in reducing sexual violence
on college campuses.
9
Part I discusses the history of legislation
protecting students from sexual assault and students’ current rights and
remedies when their schools fail to adequately respond to a report of
sexual assault.
10
Part I also illustrates these remedies and discusses
their deficiencies by using specific examples.
11
Part II provides a
detailed discussion of the Campus SaVE Act.
12
Part III analyzes the
Campus SaVE Act, examining both its strengths and weaknesses.
13
Finally, Part IV provides proposals for the federal government, as well
as colleges and universities, regarding the implementation of the
Campus SaVE Act in order to ensure its effectiveness in combating
sexual violence on college campuses.
14
I. BACKGROUND
In order to thoroughly understand how to best address the issue of
sexual assault on college campuses, it is necessary to understand the
severity of the problem and what has previously been done to address it.
This Part begins by analyzing the prevalence of campus peer sexual
8
. Rep. Gewn Moore, The Campus SaVE Act: A Critical Step to Ending Violence Against
Women, HUFFINGTON POST (Aug. 16, 2012, 3:08 PM), http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rep-
gwen-moore/the-campus-save-act-a-cri_b_1791437.html; The Campus Sexual Violence
Elimination (SaVE) Act, CLERY CENTER FOR SECURITY ON CAMPUS,
http://clerycenter.org/campus-sexual-violence-elimination-save-act (last visited Feb. 23, 2014);
Understanding the Campus SaVE Act, KNOW YOUR IX, http://knowyourix.org/understanding-
the-campus-save-act/ (last visited Feb. 23, 2014).
9.T his Comment uses the terms colleges, universities, and schools interchangeably to refer to
the location of sexual violence the Campus SaVE Act seeks to address.
10
. See infra Part I.A–C (examining the issue of sexual assault on college campuses and the
various ways federal law has attempted to address it).
11
. See infra Part I.D (examining cases at three universities to illustrate the problem of sexual
assault on college campuses).
12
. See infra Part II (discussing changes the Campus SaVE Act makes to how colleges
respond to sexual assault).
13
. See infra Part III (analyzing the positive and negative components of the Campus SaVE
Act).
14
. See infra Part V (proposing several ideas for implementation of the Campus SaVE Act by
schools and by the government).
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2014] Cracks in the Ivory Tower 1199
violence and its harmful effects on college students.
15
Next, this Part
provides an overview of the two legislative responses that attempt to
combat the problem, Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972
(“Title IX”)
16
and the Jeanne Clery Disclosure of Campus Security
Policy and Campus Crime Statistics Act (“The Clery Act”).
17
Finally,
this Part examines school responses and highlights three examples of
how the current legislation fails to adequately protect students.
18
A. The Current State of Sexual Assault on College Campuses
Rape is a serious human rights abuse
19
and being a victim can cause
immediate, as well as long-term, physical and mental health problems.
20
The fact that women in college are at a higher risk for rape than women
of a comparable age group in the general population
21
highlights the
high rate of sexual violence on college campuses. Studies have
discovered multiple risk factors that put women in college in danger of
sexual assault.
22
For example, large concentrations of young women
come into contact with young men in a variety of public and private
15
. See infra Part I.A (discussing the current state of sexual assault on college campuses).
16
. See infra Part I.B (describing Title IX as a mechanism for protecting students from
campus peer sexual violence).
17
. See infra Part I.C (describing how the Clery Act protects students from sexual violence).
18
. See infra Part I.D (exploring various campus responses and highlighting cases from three
specific schools).
19
. See United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, G.A.
Res. 48/104, U.N. Doc. A/RES/48/104 (Dec. 20, 1993) (affirming that violence against women,
which includes rape, constitutes a violation of the rights and fundamental freedoms of women and
impairs or nullifies their enjoyment of those rights and freedoms).
20
. See, e.g., KILPATRICK ET AL., supra note 1, at 4 (finding that 34% of college victims
suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder, 33% of college victims suffered from depression,
and 40% suffered from alcohol and drug abuse); KREBS ET AL., supra note 1, at viii (citing that 25
to 45% of rape victims suffer from nongenital trauma, that 19 to 22% of rape victims suffer from
genital trauma, and that four out of five victims suffer from chronic physical or psychological
conditions); SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 13 (finding that acquaintance rape victims suffer from
shock, humiliation, anxiety, depression, distrust of others, guilt, and sexual dysfunction).
Additionally, Krebs et al. found that rape is believed to have the highest annual victim cost of any
crime at $127 billion. KREBS ET AL., supra note 1, at viii. Kilpatrick et al. also noted that victims
of drug and alcohol facilitated rape, as opposed to victims of forcible rape, were twice as likely to
have had substance abuse problems in the past year. KILPATRICK ET AL., supra note 1, at 4.
21
. FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 1; SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 8.
22
. See, e.g., FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 1 (noting that college campuses have become
“hotspots for criminal activity” and that women are at a greater risk for rape on college campuses
than in the general population); KREBS ET AL., supra note 1, at xix (advising that any prevention
programs be tailored to include risk factors that college students encounter in common college
situations); SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 8 (suggesting that features of the college environment,
such as “frequent unsupervised parties, easy access to alcohol,” and “students living on their
own” can contribute to the high prevalence of rape on college campuses).
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1200 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
places on college campuses.
23
Additionally, many social gatherings
involve alcohol or other substances that can lead to incapacitation.
24
Furthermore, being a freshman or sophomore in college puts a woman
at greater risk of sexual assault than older students.
25
Finally, there are
a disproportionate number of rapes reported when the perpetrators are
athletes
26
and a disproportionate number of gang rapes reported when
the perpetrators are fraternity members.
27
At universities and colleges, acquaintance rape accounts for 90% of
victimizations.
28
Acquaintance rape, in which the victim knows the
attacker, differs from stranger rape, in which the victim does not know
the attacker.
29
However, society, as well as colleges and universities,
treats acquaintance rape less seriously than stranger rape, in part
because it is understood incorrectly.
30
For instance, acquaintance rape
23
. FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 1; see SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 8 (discussing aspects of
college social interactions that can contribute to high rape rates).
24
. FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 23; KREBS ET AL., supra note 1, at xviii; SAMPSON, supra
note 1, at 14, 16 (discussing the role of alcohol in acquaintance rape); see KILPATRICK ET AL.,
supra note 1, at 28 (finding that in the general population, elements of force are involved in 90%
of the victimizations and more than one in five involved alcohol or drug facilitation or
incapacitation, but that in the college population, only 72% of cases involved elements of force
and over half involved drug or alcohol facilitation or incapacitation).
25
. KREBS ET AL., supra note 1, at xviii; SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 12.
26
. See CAROL BOHMER & ALICE PARROT, SEXUAL ASSAULT ON CAMPUS: THE PROBLEM
AND THE SOLUTION 21 (1993) (stating an FBI survey found that basketball and football players
from NCAA colleges “were reported to police for sexual assault thirty-eight percent more often
than the average for males on college campuses”); SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 17 (recognizing
this could be because athletes feel privileged or immune to campus rules or because victims are
“angered by athletes’ esteemed and privileged status”). Bohmer and Parrot also theorize that
athletes in aggressive sports are more likely to rape due in part to the culture surrounding college
athletics, such as drinking alcohol to celebrate after wins or drown sorrows after losses. BOHMER
& PARROT, supra, at 22.
27
. See SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 17 (theorizing fraternities’ unique place on campus, in
private residences which are often the location of unsupervised parties, as well as their group
mentality and emphasis on loyalty could lead to a greater risk of rape); see also BOHMER &
PARROT, supra note 26, at 21–23 (finding that the process of joining a fraternity often
desensitizes men to behaviors that objectify women).
28
. See, e.g., FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 17 (reporting that most people know the person
who sexually victimizes them); SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 9 (finding the most common offenders
are “classmate[s], friend[s], boyfriend[s], ex-boyfriend[s], or other acquaintance[s] (in that
order)”).
29
. See SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 13 (laying out characteristics of both stranger rape and
acquaintance rape); see also Nancy Chi Cantalupo, Burying Our Heads in the Sand: Lack of
Knowledge, Knowledge Avoidance, and the Persistent Problem of Campus Peer Sexual Violence,
43 LOY. U. CHI. L.J. 205, 220 (2011) (describing public perceptions that rapists must be strangers
to the victim and cannot be someone the victim knows, such as an acquaintance).
30
. See SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 13 (discussing the myth that stranger rape is “real rape”
and acquaintance rape is less serious and less harmful); see also Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 220
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is often wrongly understood to be merely a “he said, she said” issue,
consensual sex gone wrong, or an acceptable risk of drinking alcohol.
31
Given these facts, Congress has attempted to protect students from
sexual violence and ensure that colleges and universities take
appropriate action when such violence occurs.
32
Two pieces of federal
legislation, discussed below, impose obligations on higher education
institutions with regard to preventing sexual violence, and provide
students with options for recourse when schools fail to meet those
responsibilities.
33
B. Title IX
Some experts argue that Title IX is the most important federal statute
that applies to campus sexual violence.
34
This Section begins by
(describing a stranger rapist as someone who jumps out and attacks a woman walking through a
dark alley, and recognizing that this may evoke very different responses from a victim than are
often seen after acquaintance rape).
31
. See Emily Yoffe, College Women: Stop Getting Drunk, SLATE (Oct. 15, 2013, 11:55 PM),
http://www.slate.com/articles/double_x/doublex/2013/10/sexual_assault_and_drinking_teach_wo
men_the_connection.html (arguing that the connection between alcohol consumption and the
higher risk of sexual assault means the onus should be on women to stop drinking). See generally
RAPHAEL, supra note 1 (discussing reasons for society’s failure to address acquaintance rape).
32
. See U.S. DEP’T OF EDUC., “DEAR COLLEAGUE” LETTER 1 (Apr. 4, 2011) [hereinafter
DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER], available at http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/
letters/colleague-201104.pdf (“Sexual harassment of students, which includes acts of sexual
violence, is a form of sex discrimination prohibited by Title IX.”); see also RAPHAEL, supra note
1, at 182 (“[C]olleges have an obligation under federal law to maintain safe and equal learning
environments for everyone.”); Basics, KNOW YOUR IX, http://knowyourix.org/basics (last visited
Feb. 25, 2014) (“Under United States federal law, most notably Title IX and the Clery Act,
students are guaranteed a right to education free from sexual violence and harassment.”);
Summary of the Jeanne Clery Act, CLERY CENTER FOR SECURITY ON CAMPUS,
http://clerycenter.org/summary-jeanne-clery-act (last visited Feb. 25, 2014) (describing
amendments to the Clery Act that require schools to protect sexual assault victims).
33
. See, e.g., DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 1 (stating that the letter explains
the federal requirements under Title IX pertaining to sexual violence); Basics, supra note 32
(highlighting Title IX and the Clery Act as the laws requiring schools to guarantee an education
free from sexual harassment and discrimination and requiring that schools respond to the needs of
survivors when violence does occur); Summary of the Jeanne Clery Act, supra note 32
(“[S]chools [are required to] afford the victims of campus sexual assault certain basic
rights . . . .”).
34
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 224–25 (arguing that Title IX is the most important tool
in protecting students from campus peer sexual violence); see also About KYIX, KNOW YOUR IX,
http://knowyourix.org/about-ky9/ (last visited Feb. 25, 2014) (discussing the importance of
students understanding rights under Title IX when advocating for change within their schools).
Though the Campus SaVE Act amends the Clery Act, I will later argue that certain provisions of
the Campus SaVE Act can be used to tie Title IX and the Clery Act together for comprehensive
federal review of cases in which it is alleged a school has failed in its duty to protect a student
victim of sexual violence. See infra Part IV (proposing a joint task force for complaints under
Title IX and the Clery Act). Therefore, a discussion of Title IX is necessary to understand the
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1202 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
discussing the history and requirements of Title IX as they pertain to
campus sexual assault.
35
Then, it addresses students’ remedies through
administrative enforcement under Title IX
36
and through a private right
of action.
37
1. History and Requirements of Title IX
Title IX—a clear statement by the federal government—prohibits
discrimination on the basis of sex in education programs or activities.
38
Sex discrimination has been defined broadly to include sexual
harassment and sexual violence because of the hostile educational
environment they create.
39
Title IX requires schools to respond to and
remedy hostile educational environments or risk losing their federal
funding.
40
Because Title IX is such a short statute with little
direction,
41
schools look to specific guidance materials provided by the
Department of Education to determine the specific requirements of Title
IX.
42
The most recent guide is the 2011 “Dear Colleague” Letter,
which suggests procedural requirements for responding to a report of
sexual assault, as well as proactive, educational measures schools
issue.
35
. See infra Part I.B.1 (discussing the history and requirements of Title IX).
36
. See infra Part I.B.2 (explaining the Title IX complaint process and its issues).
37
. See infra Part I.B.3 (explaining Title IX lawsuits and their issues).
38
. Title IX reads: “No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from
participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education
program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance.” 20 U.S.C. § 1681 (2012); see also 34
C.F.R. §106.1 (2013) (“[T]itle IX . . . is designed to eliminate . . . discrimination on the basis of
sex in any education program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance . . . .”).
39
. See, e.g., DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 1 (“Sexual harassment of students,
which includes sexual violence, is a form of sex discrimination prohibited by Title IX.”); U.S.
DEP’T OF EDUC., REVISED SEXUAL HARASSMENT GUIDANCE: HARASSMENT OF STUDENTS BY
SCHOOL EMPLOYEES, OTHER STUDENTS, OR THIRD PARTIES 2 (2001) [hereinafter 2001
GUIDANCE], available at http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/shguide.pdf (“Sexual
harassment can include unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal,
nonverbal, or physical conduct of a sexual nature.”); Title IX in Detail, KNOW YOUR IX,
http://knowyourix.org/title-ix/title-ix-in-detail/ (last visited Feb. 25, 2014) (explaining that
Supreme Court decisions and guidance from the U.S. Department of Education have established
that sex discrimination includes sexual harassment and sexual violence).
40
. See 2001 GUIDANCE, supra note 39, at 3 (complying with Title IX and the U.S.
Department of Education’s regulations is a condition of receiving funding); see also Title IX in
Detail, supra note 39 (explaining how a school risks losing federal funds if it does not respond to
and remedy hostile environments as required by Title IX).
41
. 20 U.S.C. § 1681.
42
. See DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 2 (explaining that the letter will discuss
Title IX’s requirements related to peer sexual violence); see also Title IX in Detail, supra note 39
(stating that to understand the requirements of Title IX, schools must look to guidance materials
from the U.S. Department of Education).
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2014] Cracks in the Ivory Tower 1203
should take to prevent sexual assaults.
43
Once a school “knows or reasonably should know” of possible sexual
violence, it must take immediate and appropriate action to investigate or
otherwise determine what occurred, regardless of whether or not the
incident occurred on school grounds.
44
This response must be “prompt,
thorough, and impartial,” and the school must respect the desire of the
complainant to remain anonymous.
45
Furthermore, Title IX requires
that schools take steps to protect the individual reporting rape from any
retaliation by the accused or associates of the accused.
46
The “Dear Colleague” Letter recommends several proactive measures
schools can take to help prevent campus sexual violence, such as
publishing a notice of nondiscrimination, designating an employee to
coordinate Title IX compliance, and adopting and publishing a list of
grievance procedures for students.
47
Under Title IX, schools should
implement orientation programs and school assemblies for new
students, staff, and faculty that address sexual assault, and implement
training for residence hall assistants, student athletes, coaches, and
student law enforcement, all of whom have a higher likelihood of
coming into contact with sexual assault victims and perpetrators.
48
43
. See DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 2 (“This letter . . . explains schools’
responsibility to take immediate and effective steps to end sexual harassment and sexual
violence . . . [and] discuss[es] the proactive efforts schools can take to prevent sexual harassment
and violence.”); Title IX in Detail, supra note 39 (highlighting that guidance materials, such as
the “Dear Colleague” Letter, are not law but tell schools how the Department of Education will
review and enforce Title IX complaints).
44
. See DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 4 (“Title IX requires the school to take
immediate action to eliminate the harassment, prevent its recurrence, and address its effects.”);
2001 GUIDANCE, supra note 39, at 9 (“A school has a responsibility to respond promptly and
effectively to sexual harassment.”).
45
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 5; see also Title IX in Detail, supra note 39
(highlighting that sexual harassment complaints may be resolved through informal means, such as
mediation, but that mediation cannot be required because it is not appropriate for sexual violence
complaints).
46
. See DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 4 (“The school also should take steps to
protect a student who was assaulted off campus from further sexual harassment or retaliation
from the perpetrator and his or her associates.”); see also 2001 GUIDANCE, supra note 39, at 17
(stating that at a minimum a school must make sure the victim knows how to report any
subsequent retaliation); Title IX in Detail, supra note 39 (defining retaliation as an “adverse
consequence, harassment, intimidation, or discrimination that is causally related to reporting
sexual discrimination”).
47
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 5; see also Title IX in Detail, supra note 39
(listing notices of nondiscrimination, Title IX coordinators, and clear grievance procedures as
required for schools to be Title IX compliant).
48
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 14–15; see also Title IX in Detail, supra
note 39 (listing professors, campus police, administrators, counselors, health center staff, coaches,
resident advisors, and others likely to receive reports of sexual assault as employees the
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These programs should define sexual assault, encourage reporting
among students, and explain school policies and the consequences of
sexual assault.
49
Additionally, the “Dear Colleague” Letter states that Title IX requires
schools to follow certain procedures when investigating and
adjudicating sexual offenses.
50
While schools must “adopt and publish
grievance procedures providing for prompt and equitable resolution
of . . . sex discrimination complaints,” federal guidance does not require
that these procedures be separate from other disciplinary proceedings.
51
The 2011 “Dear Colleague” Letter does specify that mediation is not
appropriate for sexual assault complaints, and gives guidance as to what
“prompt and equitable” procedures require.
52
Schools must give notice
of the procedures to students and employees, disclose where complaints
may be filed, and apply the procedures to complaints of sexual assault.
53
The investigation must be “adequate, reliable, and impartial,” and
schools must give both parties the right to present witnesses and
evidence.
54
Furthermore, the procedure must designate a reasonably
prompt time frame for the major stages of the process, notify parties of
the outcome, and assure the victim and other students that the school
will take steps to prevent a reoccurrence.
55
Finally, schools should use
Department of Education recommends be trained).
49
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 14–15; see SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 30
(highlighting the need for key campus personnel, such as resident assistants, Greek advisors, and
athletic coaches to be educated about sexual violence and how to identify and report sexual
assault).
50
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 6 (requiring schools to establish a procedure
involving disseminating a notice of nondiscrimination, designating at least one employee to carry
out the school’s efforts under Title IX, and adopting and publishing grievance procedures that are
prompt and equitable); see also Title IX in Detail, supra note 39 (specifying that this procedure
should outline the complaint, investigation, and disciplinary process).
51
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 6, 8; see also 2001 GUIDANCE, supra note
39, at 21 (“Title IX also permits the use of a student disciplinary procedure not designed
specifically for Title IX grievances to resolve sex discrimination complaints, as long as the
procedure meets the requirement of affording complainant a ‘prompt and equitable’ resolution of
the complaint.” (emphasis added)).
52
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 8 (“[I]n cases involving allegations of sexual
assault, mediation is not appropriate even on a voluntary basis.”); see also 2001 GUIDANCE,
supra note 39, at 21 (stating that mediation is not appropriate in cases of alleged sexual assaults);
Title IX in Detail, supra note 39 (“A school that requires mediation or offers it as a mechanism to
resolve a sexual violence complaint are [sic] in violation of Title IX.”).
53
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 9; 2001 GUIDANCE, supra note 39, at 20.
54
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 9; 2001 GUIDANCE, supra note 39, at 20;
see also Title IX in Detail, supra note 39 (stressing that the disciplinary process cannot have one-
sided due process).
55
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 9; 2001 GUIDANCE, supra note 39, at 20.
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a preponderance of the evidence standard when evaluating complaints,
56
and all persons implementing the procedure must have training in
handling complaints of sexual violence.
57
Although schools are required to notify individuals reporting rape of
their options to notify law enforcement, Title IX does not require that
schools notify local law enforcement about sexual assaults on campus.
58
However, if a regular law enforcement investigation occurs, schools are
not absolved of their duties under Title IX to investigate and do not
have to wait for the conclusion of a criminal investigation to begin their
process.
59
Furthermore, Title IX requires that—in order to protect the student
reporting rape and address any retaliation that occurs as a result of the
student’s allegations—remedies be immediate and include interim steps
before the final outcome of the investigation.
60
However, there is
evidence to suggest that schools do not appropriately remedy situations
in which a student faces potential retaliation for reporting a rape. In a
case at the University of Notre Dame, for example, the University did
nothing after a student reported that she had received threatening text
messages from a friend of the football player she accused of sexual
assault.
61
Finally, if it is determined that sexual assault has occurred, a school
must “take immediate action to eliminate the hostile environment,
56
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 10–11; see also Title IX in Detail, supra
note 39 (defining the standard as requiring the hearing to determine whether the assault is more
likely than not, or 51% likely to have occurred).
57
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 12; see also Title IX in Detail, supra note 39
(recognizing that the “Dear Colleague Letter” requires all employees that address sexual violence
complaints have appropriate training).
58
. See, e.g., DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 5 (stating school personnel must
determine whether law enforcement should be notified); 2001 GUIDANCE, supra note 39, at 16
(stating law enforcement can be notified in cases involving criminal conduct, but not that they
must be notified).
59
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 10; 2001 GUIDANCE, supra note 39, at 21.
Additionally, the “Dear Colleague” Letter clarified that the standard to be used when adjudicating
sexual assault cases on college campuses is the preponderance of the evidence standard. See
supra note 56. This is a different legal standard than that used in criminal investigations. See
2001 GUIDANCE, supra note 39, at 21. Therefore, the results of an investigation by law
enforcement are not determinative of whether sexual assault occurred under Title IX. Id.
60
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 15–16 (describing interim measures such as
separating the victim and the accused and ensuring that victims are aware of their rights and any
relevant resources, such as counseling); see also Title IX in Detail, supra note 39 (maintaining
that protection from retaliation for reporting sexual violence is a federal civil right).
61
. See infra notes 160–66 and accompanying text.
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prevent its recurrence, and address its effects.”
62
Evidence indicates
that this is often not adequately accomplished. In 2012, Yale University
entered into a settlement agreement with the Department of Education
after several students alleged that the University was violating their
Title IX rights.
63
As a result of the settlement, Yale now publishes a
twice-yearly report documenting all complaints of sexual misconduct on
campus.
64
In the most recent report, which covers the first half of 2013,
Yale found sufficient evidence to support six complaints of
nonconsensual sex.
65
In all six instances, Yale failed to expel the
offenders, allowing rapists to remain on campus and potentially harm
other students.
66
62
. DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 15; see also Title IX in Detail, supra note 39
(discussing what constitutes addressing a hostile environment).
63
. Tyler Kingkade, Yale Fails to Expel Students Guilty of Sexual Assault, HUFFINGTON POST
(Aug. 1, 2013), http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/08/01/yale-sexual-assault-punishment
_n_3690100.html [hereinafter Kingkade, Yale]; see John Christoffersen, Yale Under Federal
Investigation for “Sexually Hostile Environment,” HUFFINGTON POST (Apr. 1, 2011),
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/04/01/yale-title-ix_n_843570.html (describing the sexually
hostile environment).
64
. See DEP’T OF EDUC., VOLUNTARY RESOLUTION AGREEMENT, YALE UNIVERSITY 5–6
(2012) [hereinafter YALE AGREEMENT], available at http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices
/list/ocr/docs/investigations/01112027-b.pdf (mandating that Yale report on the review of all
informal and formal complaints of sexual misconduct); see also Caroline Kelley, As Students
Prepare to Return, Yale Faces New Scrutiny for Rape Policy, TIME, Aug. 5, 2013,
http://swampland.time.com/2013/08/05/as-students-prepare-to-return-yale-faces-new-scrutiny-
for-rape-policy (stating that Yale’s semi-annual report logging sexual misconduct was mandated
by the resolution agreement).
65
. See YALE UNIV., REPORT OF COMPLAINTS OF SEXUAL MISCONDUCT BROUGHT
FORWARD FROM JANUARY 1, 2013 THROUGH JUNE 30, 2013, at 3–5 (2013) [hereinafter 2013
YALE REPORT], available at http://provost.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/FINAL
_Jul2013_Report_Sexual_Misconduct_Complaints_7-31-13.pdf (describing each report of sexual
misconduct, the findings of the University-wide Committee on Sexual Misconduct, and the
actions taken as a result); see also Kingkade, Yale, supra note 63 (stating only one of the six
students the University committee found guilty of nonconsensual sex was suspended).
66
. 2013 YALE REPORT, supra note 65, at 3–4; see also Tara Culp-Ressler, Yale University
Works to Strengthen Its Sexual Assault Policy by Clarifying ‘Consent,’ THINKPROGRESS.ORG
(Sept. 13, 2013), http://thinkprogress.org/health/2013/09/13/2616531/yale-university-consent/
(“Yale’s most recent sexual misconduct report revealed that none of the six students found guilty
of ‘nonconsensual sex’ in the first half of 2013 were actually kicked out of school.”). Some
advocates have questioned whether or not expulsion is actually the best punishment for sexually
offending students. See Caroline Kitchener, How to Encourage More College Sexual Assault
Victims to Speak Up, THE ATLANTIC, Aug. 23, 2012, http://m.theatlantic.com
/national/archive/2013/08/how-to-encourage-more-college-sexual-assault-victims-to-speak-
up/278972/ (quoting advocates and victims who stated severe punishment of offenders would
have negative ramifications on their own personal lives due to the close connections between
perpetrators and victims on college campuses). However, advocates argued that this does not
mean expulsion should not occur, just that the victim’s wishes should be taken into account. See
id. (quoting Alexandra Brodsky).
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Additionally, the University of Colorado Boulder, which had to pay a
$2.85 million settlement for Title IX violations in 2007,
67
is again under
investigation by the Department of Education because of questionable
sanctions it placed on a student found responsible for the rape of
another student.
68
The school’s only response was to suspend the
perpetrator for eight months, require him to write a paper reflecting on
his experience, and fine him $75.
69
Furthermore, it took the school four
weeks to remove the offender from campus, during which he
approached the victim several times despite a no-contact order from the
school.
70
2. Title IX Complaints
Anyone who believes there has been a Title IX violation can file a
Title IX complaint with the Office of Civil Rights (“OCR”) at the
Department of Education within 180 days of the alleged
discrimination.
71
The usual outcome of the OCR’s investigation is a
voluntary resolution between the OCR and the school if there has been a
violation of Title IX.
72
This makes the OCR process injunctive and
results in schools being forced to change their response systems.
73
67
. Howard Pankratz, $2.8 Million Deal in CU Rape Case, DENV. POST, Dec. 5, 2007,
http://www.denverpost.com/snowsports/ci_7640880; Allison Sherry, CU Settles Case Stemming
from Recruit Scandal, DENV. POST, Dec. 6, 2007, http://www.denverpost.com/snows
ports/ci_7645722.
68
. See Tyler Kingkade, CU Boulder Faces Federal Investigation for Suspending Campus
Sexual Assault Offender, HUFFINGTON POST (July 18, 2013), http://www.huffingtonpost.com
/2013/07/18/cu-boulder-sexual-assault-investigation_n_3614277.html [hereinafter Kingkade, CU]
(describing the complaint alleging the school was slow to punish the rapist and that the eventual
sanctions were too light); see also Adrian D. Garcia, Feds Target University of Colorado for
Handling of Sexual Assault Case, DENV. POST, July 24, 2013, http://www.denverpost.com
/ci_23726450/feds-target-university-colorado-handling-sexual-assault-case (describing the
actions taken by the University of Colorado Boulder in response to the rape).
69
. Garcia, supra note 68; Kingkade, CU, supra note 68.
70
. Garcia, supra note 68; Kingkade, CU, supra note 68.
71
. Questions and Answers on OCR’s Complaint Process, DEP’T EDUC.,
http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/qa-complaints.html (last visited Feb. 23, 2014); see also
Annie E. Clark & Miriam Hauser, How to File a Title IX Complaint, KNOW YOUR IX,
http://knowyourix.org/title-ix/how-to-file-a-title-ix-complaint (last visited Feb. 23, 2014).
72
. See DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 16 (describing how OCR prefers to
enforce remedies through voluntary compliance, but can also withdraw Federal funding by the
Department, or refer the case to the Department of Justice for litigation); see also Cantalupo,
supra note 29, at 226 (stating that schools might have to change their policies, procedures, and
resource allocations); Joseph Shapiro, Campus Rape Victims: A Struggle For Justice, NPR (Feb.
24, 2013), http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=124001493 (illustrating that the
Department of Education gave guidance rather than punishment to all five of the universities that
the Department ruled against in the ten-year period between 1998 and 2008).
73
. Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 226; see also Frequently Asked Questions About Sexual
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The OCR requires schools to take steps to protect individuals
reporting rape upon any notice of sexual harassment.
74
When a
complaint asserts that these steps have not occurred, the OCR
undertakes a fairly comprehensive investigation that can result in
forward-thinking remedies by directly changing schools’ behavior.
75
Challenges arise because very few people know how to initiate an OCR
complaint.
76
Additionally, another issue with Title IX complaints is
that results are not publicized; in order to find out about specific
violations, a person has to file a Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”)
request.
77
Harassment, DEP’T EDUC., http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/qa-sexharass.html (last
visited Feb. 23, 2014) (discussing the agreements that are used to resolve complaints). However,
the recent reports from Yale University and the University of Colorado Boulder raise questions as
to how successful such overhauls are. See supra notes 63–70 and accompanying text.
74
. See, e.g., DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 15–16 (stating that not taking
prompt and effective steps when schools become aware of sexual harassment or violence is
grounds for OCR remedies); Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 233 (stating that OCR uses a
constructive knowledge standard when determining whether schools knew of sexual harassment).
The constructive knowledge standard is a lower standard than that used by courts when deciding
Title IX lawsuits. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 227–28 (discussing the actual knowledge test
used by courts in Title IX enforcement cases); see also infra Part II.B (discussing issues with
Title IX lawsuits).
75
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 235 (arguing that the comprehensiveness and strictness of
OCR’s approach means it could be a useful tool to get schools to address campus sexual
violence); see also OCR Complaint Processing Procedures, DEP’T EDUC.,
http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/complaints-how.html (last updated Dec. 2012)
(declaring that OCR’s process for evaluating complaints includes evaluating each allegation
through a variety of fact-finding techniques and that any finding of failure to comply with Title
IX results in a resolution agreement or loss of federal financial assistance).
76
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 236 (discussing the difficulty of finding how to file an
OCR complaint, and recognizing that the information posted on the OCR’s website would not
help those who do not know their rights); see also Kristin Jones, Lax Enforcement of Title IX in
Campus Sexual Assault Cases, CENTER FOR PUB. INTEGRITY (Feb. 25, 2010),
http://www.publicintegrity.org/2010/02/25/4374/lax-enforcement-title-ix-campus-sexual-assault-
cases-0 (detailing the story of an individual who reported rape but only knew about the ability to
file a Title IX complaint after she told the story of her school’s inaction to a local newspaper and
subsequently was contacted by an advocate about her rights). However, the number of
individuals filing OCR complaints has been growing. See, e.g., David Ariosto & Leigh
Remizowski, Yale Settles Sexual Harassment Complaint, CNN (June 19, 2012),
http://www.cnn.com/2012/06/15/justice/connecticut-yale-settlement/ (stating that the OCR
reported a 78% increase in sexual harassment complaints between 2008 and 2011); see also
Kitchener, supra note 66 (reporting that an “unprecedented number” of victims from twenty-nine
schools filed Title IX complaints in 2012). This indicates a trend toward greater knowledge
among students about their rights under Title IX.
77
. See, e.g., Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 236–39 (discussing the challenges in obtaining past
resolutions but recognizing that the Department of Education has taken positive steps by posting
some recent cases in the public reading room on the OCR website); Jones, supra note 76
(describing how the Center for Public Integrity received the results of 210 Title IX investigations
needed for their inquiry through a FOIA request). The OCR has begun posting results of recent
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Finally, although it is difficult to evaluate OCR investigations,
evidence shows that OCR’s ultimate decisions are not adequately
enforced.
78
For instance, through a FOIA request for all complaints
between 1998 and 2008, the Center for Public Integrity (“CPI”) found at
least twenty-four fully resolved investigations related to allegations that
colleges and universities failed student-victims in sexual assault cases;
and yet violations of Title IX were found in only five.
79
Two specific
examples highlight the issues found with OCR’s process.
First, in the aforementioned 2011 Yale University case, sixteen
current and former students at Yale University filed a complaint with
the OCR describing personal incidents of sexual violence and an
overwhelmingly sexually hostile environment on campus.
80
After
entering a resolution agreement with Yale University, the Department
of Education’s OCR closed the investigation without any finding of
non-compliance.
81
Not only is it questionable that a settlement was
reached without any finding of fault for Yale, but merely two years
later, the bi-yearly reports mandated by the resolution disclosed that
Yale had failed to expel at least six students it found to be sexual
offenders.
82
investigations in their online reading room. Recent Resolutions, DEP’T EDUC.,
http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/investigations/index.html (last updated Feb. 4,
2014). As Cantalupo notes, this is a promising sign indicating the Department of Education’s
willingness to address the issue of campus sexual violence, but it does not provide enough
information given the scope of the issue. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 237 n.125.
78
. See id. at 239 (noting that “a general lack of accountability for OCR” leads to an inability
to adequately evaluate their investigations); Kristen Lombardi, Sexual Assault on Campus: A
Lack of Consequences for Sexual Assault, CENTER FOR PUB. INTEGRITY (Feb. 4, 2010, 12:00
PM), http://www.publicintegrity.org/2010/02/24/4360/lack-consequences-sexual-assault (reveal-
ing that “students deemed ‘responsible’ for alleged sexual assault on college campuses can face
little or no consequence for their acts”).
79
. Jones, supra note 76.
80
. Christina Huffington, Yale Students File Title IX Complaint Against University, YALE
HERALD, Mar. 31, 2011, http://yaleherald.com/news-and-features/cover-stories/breaking-news-
yale-students-file-title-ix-suit-against-school/. This sexually hostile environment is apparent
through review of documented incidents. In one incident, members of the Delta Kappa Epsilon
fraternity marched around the Yale campus chanting, “No means yes! Yes means anal!”
repeatedly. Id. In another incident, members of the Zeta Psi fraternity held up a sign in front of
the Yale Women’s Center that read, “We Love Yale Sluts.” Id.; see also Diane Orson, Feds
Launch Inquiry Into Sexual Harassment At Yale, NPR (Apr. 6, 2011), http://www.npr.org
/2011/04/06/135181366/feds-launch-inquiry-into-sexual-harassment-at-yale (discussing incidents
that lead to the filing of the complaint).
81
. See YALE AGREEMENT, supra note 64, at 1 (stating that OCR did not make a finding of
noncompliance); see also Kingkade, Yale, supra note 63 (explaining the voluntary agreement
entered into by Yale and the Department of Education).
82
. 2013 YALE REPORT, supra note 65 (disclosing the recent outcomes and sanctions given in
cases of sexual harassment at Yale); see also Kingkade, Yale, supra note 63 (discussing the
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In another case at the University of Wisconsin in Madison, a female
student accused two students of rape.
83
It took nine months between
2005 and 2006 for the school to consider and reject filing disciplinary
charges against the accused.
84
The University claimed nine months was
a reasonable length of time for investigation and stated that it took
interim steps by issuing a no-contact order to protect the woman
reporting rape.
85
However, during those nine months, she was
threatened by one of the accused and felt she had to quit the crew team
while he finished college as a member.
86
The woman reporting rape
filed an OCR complaint, but the OCR said there was “insufficient
evidence” that the school had been less than prompt.
87
3. Title IX Lawsuits
In addition to filing Title IX complaints, students can also file
individual private actions in federal courts against universities and
colleges for violating Title IX.
88
The relief from these lawsuits is
usually significant monetary compensation, but such lawsuits can also
result in receipt of attorneys’ fees or injunctive relief.
89
For example, in
the 2007 case mentioned previously, the University of Colorado
disclosures in the 2013 Yale Report). It is questionable that all Yale needs to do to be compliant
with the voluntary resolution is indicate the results of cases and state the sanctions given, even
when the sanctions are as minor as a written reprimand. See 2013 YALE REPORT, supra note 65,
at 3 (discussing a particular case) (“The [University-wide Committee on Sexual Misconduct]
found sufficient evidence to support the allegation [of nonconsensual sex]. The respondent was
given a written reprimand . . . .”).
83
. Jones, supra note 76 (interviewing Laura Dunn); Shapiro, supra note 72 (same). Laura
Dunn has since become an advocate for sexual assault victims and was one of primary advocates
who worked on the passage of the Campus SaVE Act in Washington, D.C. Taylor Harvey,
Victim Into Advocate: One Sexual Assault Survivor’s Fight For Justice, DAILY CARDINAL, Apr.
11, 2013, http://host.madison.com/daily-cardinal/news/campus/victim-into-advocate-one-sexual-
assault-survivor-s-fight-for/article_fddc55ea-a277-11e2-8f72-001a4bcf887a.html.
84
. Jones, supra note 76; Shapiro, supra note 72.
85
. Jones, supra note 76; see also Shapiro, supra note 72 (“The University of Wisconsin took
nine months to investigate, then decided against punishment.”).
86
. Jones, supra note 76.
87
. See id. (“[T]he OCR letter finds that the nine-month process was justified.”); see also
Shapiro, supra note 72 (“[The finding by the Department of Education] said the University of
Wisconsin—despite taking nine months on her case—had acted properly.”).
88
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 225 (stating that Title IX is enforced in two ways: the
OCR complaint and survivors’ private right of action against their schools); How to Pursue a
Title IX Lawsuit, KNOW YOUR IX, http://knowyourix.org/title-ix/how-to-pursue-a-title-ix-lawsuit/
(last visited Feb. 26, 2014) (explaining that victims can file a private lawsuit in federal court if his
or her college is not Title IX compliant).
89
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 225–26 (noting that if successful, the damages received
from the school can be significant); How to Pursue a Title IX Lawsuit, supra note 88 (delineating
the available remedies for a Title IX lawsuit).
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Boulder settled a Title IX lawsuit for $2.85 million.
90
Unfortunately, successful Title IX lawsuits are difficult to achieve.
Two Supreme Court decisions determined that a school must have
actual knowledge of the harassment and be deliberately indifferent to it
in order to find a school in violation of its Title IX obligations.
91
This
high standard is especially problematic
92
because it encourages schools
to insulate themselves from knowledge rather than set up procedures by
which students can report.
93
C. The Clery Act
The Clery Act, formerly the Crime Awareness and Campus Security
Act, is the other important federal law that helps protect students from
campus peer sexual violence.
94
This Section will first discuss the
history of the Clery Act and how it came to be in its current form.
95
Next, it will discuss the requirements of the Clery Act prior to the
90
. Pankratz, supra note 67; Sherry, supra note 67.
91
. See, e.g., Davis v. Monroe Cnty. Bd. of Educ., 526 U.S. 629, 650 (1999) (holding that
schools are liable for Title IX violations only when they were “deliberately indifferent” to a case
of student-on-student sexual harassment); Gesber v. Lago Vista Indep. Sch. Dist., 524 U.S. 274,
285 (1998) (holding that a school district cannot be held liable for a teacher’s sexual harassment
of a student unless they had “actual notice” of the harassment). Gesber involved a Title IX
lawsuit brought by a high school student and her parents against the school district after a teacher
sexually harassed her. Gesber, 524 U.S. at 277–78. The Court determined that the school could
not be held responsible under Title IX because they had no “actual notice” of a sexual
relationship between the teacher and the student. Id. at 291–92. Davis involved a Title IX
lawsuit brought by the parents of a fifth-grade student against the school board for failure to
remedy a classmate’s sexual harassment of their child. Davis, 526 U.S. at 632–33. The Court
held that such a lawsuit could only be successful if the school acted with “deliberate indifference”
and that harassment was so severe that it deprived the victim of access to the educational
opportunities provided by the school. Id. at 650.
92
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 227 (“A look at the full corpus of cases shows that many
cases never make it to [determining whether there was deliberate indifference] . . . because many
are thrown out as a result of . . . requir[ing] a plaintiff to show that the school had actual
knowledge or notice of the harassment”); see also Pros and Cons of Filing a Title IX Lawsuit,
KNOW YOUR IX, http://knowyourix.org/title-ix/pros-and-cons-of-filing-a-title-ix-lawsuit/ (last
visited Feb. 26, 2014) (“What a victim has to prove during a lawsuit can be harder than what a
victim has to prove in an Office of Civil Rights complaint.”).
93
. Gesber, 524 U.S. at 300–01 (Stevens, J., dissenting). Though many more issues exist
surrounding the standards used in Title IX lawsuits, discussion of them is beyond the scope of
this Comment. For a more in-depth discussion, see generally Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 227–
33 (discussing the limitations the actual knowledge test places on courts’ enforcement of Title
IX).
94
. See id. at 224 (stating that the Clery Act was designed to help parents and students know
about the level of crime on campus); see also About KYIX, supra note 34 (providing information
about the Clery Act as well at Title IX).
95
. See infra Part I.C.1 (providing an overview of the history of the Clery Act).
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1212 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
amendments by the Campus SaVE Act.
96
Finally, it will provide an
overview of complaints under the Clery Act and problems that have
been encountered.
97
1. History
In 1990, following the rape and murder of a nineteen-year-old Lehigh
University student Jeanne Clery in her dorm room, Congress passed the
Crime Awareness and Campus Security Act, which requires colleges
and universities to disclose information about crime on and around their
campuses.
98
Because the law is tied to federal student financial aid
programs, it applies to most institutions of higher education, both public
and private.
99
Congress amended the law in 1992 to include the Campus Sexual
Assault Victims’ Bill of Rights, which requires schools to afford certain
rights to sexual assault victims.
100
Namely, schools must inform
individuals reporting rape of their options to notify law enforcement,
grant both the accuser and accused the same opportunity to have others
present at any proceedings, inform both parties of the outcome of any
disciplinary proceeding, and notify the individual reporting rape of
available counseling services and options to change academic and living
situations.
101
Failure to comply with the Bill of Rights can lead to fines
and loss of eligibility to participate in federal student aid programs.
102
In 1998, Congress amended the law again to expand the reporting
96
. See infra Part I.C.2 (discussing the requirements of the Clery Act).
97
. See infra Part I.C.3 (explaining complaints to the Department of Education under the
Clery Act).
98
. Student Right-to-Know and Campus Security Act of 1990, Pub. L. No. 101-542, 104 Stat.
2381 (codified as amended at 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f) (2012)); see Shapiro, supra note 72 (describing
the murder of Jeanne Clery and her parents’ subsequent activism); Our History, CLERY CENTER
FOR SECURITY ON CAMPUS, http://clerycenter.org/our-history (last visited Feb. 26, 2014)
(discussing the Clerys’ activism and initial passage of the Clery Act).
99
. See 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f)(8) (explaining that schools receiving federal funding are required
to comply with the Clery Act); see also Summary of the Jeanne Clery Act, supra note 32
(describing how the Clery Act is enforced).
100
. Higher Education Amendments of 1992, Pub. L. No. 102-325, § 486(c)(2), 106 Stat. 448,
621–23; see also Summary of the Jeanne Clery Act, supra note 32; The Clery Act in Detail,
KNOW YOUR IX, http://knowyourix.org/clery-act/the-clery-act-in-detail/ (last visited Feb. 26,
2014) (briefly explaining the basic rights and reporting requirements included in the Act after the
1992 amendments).
101
. 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f)(8); see also The Federal Campus Sexual Assault Victims’ Bill of
Rights, CLERY CENTER FOR SECURITY ON CAMPUS, http://clerycenter.org/federal-campus-sexual-
assault-victims%E2%80%99-bill-rights (last visited Feb. 26, 2014) (listing the rights granted to
sexual assault victims by the statute).
102
. 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f)(8); see The Federal Campus Sexual Assault Victims’ Bill of Rights,
supra note 101 (explaining the consequences of not affording sexual assault victims these rights).
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requirements and formally rename the law the Jeanne Clery Disclosure
of Campus Security Policy and Campus Crime Statistics Act.
103
2. Basic Requirements of the Clery Act
While this Comment primarily addresses changes to the Clery Act
made by the Campus SaVE Act, this subsection will provide an
overview of the Clery Act’s requirements prior to the passage of the
Campus SaVE Act. The Clery Act requires schools to publish and
make available an Annual Security Report every October 1 that
documents the previous three years of campus crime statistics and
includes information on security policies, procedures, and the rights
guaranteed to sexual assault victims.
104
The Annual Security Report
must contain information about the school’s policies and procedures for
criminal incidents, especially ones of sexual violence, by telling
students how to report crimes and detailing the school’s response.
105
Additionally, schools must keep a public crime log documenting the
nature, date, time, and general location of each crime within two
business days of the incident, and make the log available to the public
with each incident recorded for at least sixty days.
106
Colleges and
universities must also disclose crime statistics, including both forcible
and non-forcible sex offenses for incidents that occur on campus, on
public areas adjacent to or running through campus, and at certain non-
campus facilities such as Greek housing.
107
Finally, schools must issue
timely warnings about crimes that pose a serious or ongoing threat to
students and employees and devise an emergency response, notification,
and testing policy when incidents occur on campus.
108
103
. The Higher Education Amendments Act of 1998, Pub. L. No. 105-244, § 486(a), 112
Stat. 1581, 1745; see also Summary of the Jeanne Clery Act, supra note 32 (describing the history
of the Clery Act).
104
. 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f)(1); Summary of the Jeanne Clery Act, supra note 32 (describing the
content of an Annual Security Report).
105
. See, e.g., 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f)(1)(A) (describing the policy disclosure requirement); id. §
1092(f)(8) (highlighting the specific requirements for cases of sexual violence); see also The
Clery Act in Detail, supra note 100 (describing how the Clery Act can help students locate
statistics on their schools’ on-campus crimes through the Annual Security Reports).
106
. 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f)(4); see Summary of the Jeanne Clery Act, supra note 32 (describing
the requirements of a public crime log).
107
. 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f)(1)(F); see Summary of the Jeanne Clery Act, supra note 32 (stating
that data on criminal homicide, sex offenses, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary motor vehicle
theft, and arson is required, as well as liquor law violations, drug law violations, and illegal
weapons possession).
108
. 34 C.F.R. § 668.46(e) (2013); see Summary of the Jeanne Clery Act, supra note 32
(providing information about the timely warning and emergency response policy requirements).
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1214 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
3. Complaints Under the Clery Act
When a student feels his or her school has not acted in accordance
with its responsibilities under the Clery Act, the student may file a
complaint with the United States Department of Education, which has
the capacity to fine schools up to $35,000 per violation.
109
The largest
fine to date has been $350,000
110
against Eastern Michigan University
for failing to comply with the Clery Act following the rape and murder
of a student in her dorm room.
111
The Department of Education publishes final reports of investigations
under the Clery Act online,
112
which can be beneficial to victims and
the public when determining what is acceptable university action. Its
website shows that the number of decisions finding Cleary Act
violations has increased substantially in recent years.
113
In 2011, there
were sixteen determinations that schools had violated the Clery Act
compared to six in 2010, seven in 2009, and approximately two a year
prior to 2009.
114
This pattern could indicate that more students are
aware of this remedy and are filing complaints. Additionally, it could
indicate that the Department of Education is undergoing more thorough
109
. The Clery Act in Detail, supra note 100 (stating that schools can face up to $35,000 per
violation in fines); see Background Information: Clery Act Review, FED. STUDENT AID,
http://studentaid.ed.gov/es/sites/default/files/fsawg/datacenter/cleryact/CleryDataCenterv3.pdf
(last visited Feb. 26, 2014) (stating that reviews can be initiated when a complaint is received, but
also when “a media event raises certain concerns, the school’s independent audit identifies non
compliance, or through a review selection that can coincide with the FBI’s Criminal Justice
Information Service (CJIS) Audit Unit.”).
110
. SETTLEMENT AGREEMENT BETWEEN EASTERN MICHIGAN UNIVERSITY AND THE U.S.
DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION, FEDERAL STUDENT AID 2 (June 5, 2008), available at
http://studentaid.ed.gov/sites/default/files/fsawg/datacenter/cleryact/easternmichiganuniversity/Se
ttlementAgreement06042008.pdf (agreeing that that the school would pay the Department of
Education $350,000); see also Shapiro, supra note 72 (noting that the largest fine under the Clery
Act has been the $350,000 fine against Eastern Michigan University).
111
. U.S. DEP’T OF EDUC., FINAL PROGRAM REVIEW DETERMINATION 3 (2007), available at
http://studentaid.ed.gov/sites/default/files/fsawg/datacenter/cleryact/easternmichiganuniversity/E
MUFPRD11142007.pdf (stating that Eastern Michigan University informed the community that
there was no reason to suspect foul play in a student’s death, yet in the weeks after her death it
engaged in a homicide investigation with local law enforcement, never notified the campus
community that there was any security threat, and eventually arrested a suspect for her rape and
murder); see also Shapiro, supra note 72 (stating that administrators covered up the student’s
death and let her parents think she died of natural causes).
112
. See Clery Act Reports, U.S. FED. STUDENT AID, http://studentaid.ed.gov/about/data-
center/school/clery-act (last visited Feb. 26, 2013) (allowing users to search by year and school
for all relevant documents to each case).
113
. Id. (counting the number of findings of violation per year).
114
. Id. However, in 2012, there were only five determinations that schools had violated the
Clery Act. Id.
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investigations.
Unfortunately, two primary issues impede the Clery Act’s
effectiveness at decreasing sexual assault. First, the Clery Act
perpetuates the notion that stranger rape is the most common form of
sexual assault, despite the fact that the statistics indicate that individuals
known to the victim perpetrate 90% of sexual victimizations on
campus.
115
The Clery Act requires disclosure of crimes on campus,
which emphasizes the location of the crime, not those involved.
116
Students, however, are in much graver danger of sexual assault in social
situations, many of which happen off campus, than walking alone on
campus.
117
Second, the Clery Act depends heavily on rape reporting to determine
the prevalence of crime on campus.
118
However, when less than 5% of
students report a sexual victimization,
119
there is no way for a school to
115
. See, e.g., FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 17 (finding that in nine out of ten cases, the
victim knows her attacker); SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 9 (stating that the most common offender
is a “classmate, friend, boyfriend, ex-boyfriend, or other acquaintance (in that order)”).
116
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 248 (arguing that requiring schools to only report crimes
that occur on their campuses assumes schools can protect students on their territory); see also
SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 25 (arguing that focusing on rape prevention aimed at making the
campus territory safer will not be effective in preventing rape). Additionally, the emphasis of the
Clery Act on emergency notification does not apply to most rape cases involving peers because
acquaintance rape does not necessarily present an immediate threat to the rest of the campus
community. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 248–49 (explaining that warnings about an
acquaintance rape would require identifying the “survivor and/or suspect both exactly and
unnecessarily for purposes of capture”); see also Jeremy D. Heacox, S-A
2
: Clery Act
Responsibilities For Reporting Allegations of Peer-on-Peer Sexual Assaults Committed By
Student-Athletes, 10 WILLAMETTE SPORTS L.J. 48, 59 (2012) (describing how two acquaintance
rapes at Marquette University could not be prevented by an emergency notification).
Furthermore, though the Clery Act does include “noncampus buildings or property” and “public
property” as locations for which crimes must be disclosed, 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f)(1)(F) (2012), it
defines “noncampus building or property” as that owned by a student organization or used by the
institution, id. §§ 1092(f)(6)(A)(ii)(I)–(II), and defines “public property” as land adjacent to the
school, id. § 1092(f)(6)(A)(viii). These definitions exclude any campus crime that occurs off-
campus between students in locations not associated with the school.
117
. See, e.g., FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 19 (finding that college women are victimized
off-campus more often than on-campus, but highlighting that these victimizations, while off-
campus, often occur during an activity that is connected to her life at the college); SAMPSON,
supra note 1, at 9 (stating that the most common offenders are classmates, friends, boyfriends, ex-
boyfriends, or other acquaintances, not strangers).
118
. See 20 U.S.C. §§ 1092(f)(1)(F)(i)–(ii) (requiring schools to include various crimes
“reported to campus security authorities or local police agencies” in their Annual Security Report
(emphasis added)); id. § 1092(f)(4)(A) (stating that the crime log to be maintained by the school
should include all crimes reported to police or the security department); see also Cantalupo, supra
note 29, at 259 (suggesting that the Clery Act’s reliance on victim reporting allows schools to
pretend a lack of student reports indicates the lack of a problem).
119
. See supra notes 2–3 and accompanying text.
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1216 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
accurately report the true level of sexual violence on their campus. In
fact, the lack of any other required method of collecting data about
sexual assaults on campus allows schools to pretend that the lack of
victim reporting means there is no sexual violence problem at the
school.
120
This discourages schools from encouraging victims to report
instances of sexual assault, and therefore, rather than address the
problem, schools are able to actively avoid knowledge about campus
sexual violence.
121
D. Campus Responses to Sexual Assault Reports
In order to understand why the Campus SaVE Act was necessary, it
is important to understand the issues with the current responses to
campus sexual violence from colleges and universities. This Section
will discuss the various campus responses to campus peer sexual
violence and why they have raised questions among students and victim
advocates.
122
Then, it will use cases from three schools to illustrate
these problematic responses.
123
1. General Findings
Despite Title IX and the Clery Act, campus responses to sexual
assault reports are very often inadequate. A year-long investigation by
the CPI determined that students deemed responsible for alleged sexual
assaults on college campuses face few consequences, despite the fact
that victims’ lives are forever changed.
124
A 2002 study found that only
60% of schools had written sexual assault policies and only 70% had
120
. See SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 7 (hypothesizing that campus police are influenced by
campus administrators who fear that placing too strong an emphasis on campus sexual violence
will lead parents and students to believe their campus is less safe than others). Sampson also
hypothesizes that the lack of reporting leaves colleges and universities in the dark about the true
extent of the problem. Id. at 9. However, given the extensive research on the subject, this is an
unacceptable excuse for not addressing the issue. FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 1; KILPATRICK
ET AL., supra note 1, at 3; KREBS ET AL., supra note 1, at vii; see also Cantalupo, supra note 29,
at 259 (“[The Clery Act] needs to stop depending on victim reporting.”).
121
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 219–20 (discussing the information problem that creates
incentives to avoid knowledge of campus sexual violence); see also Tyler Kingkade, USC
Mislabels Sexual Assault to Keep Crime Numbers Low, Clery Complaint Says, HUFFINGTON
POST (Aug. 12, 2013), http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/08/12/usc-sexual-assault_n_3741
267.html (discussing recent allegations by students at the University of Southern California that
the school failed to both respond to and disclose reports of sexual assault).
122
. See infra Part II.D.1 (discussing general issues with campus responses to sexual assault).
123
. See infra Part II.D.2–4 (describing cases at Marquette University, University of Colorado
Boulder, and the University of Notre Dame).
124
. See Lombardi, supra note 78 (finding colleges permanently expelled only 10 to 25% of
men found responsible for sexual assault).
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some adjudicative process.
125
For those that had a procedure, the
adjudication and hearing committees were questionable. For instance,
less than half of the policies mentioned how many members would
comprise a hearing committee. Over 80% of schools had other students
on these committees; in contrast, only 19.6% had actual judicial or
disciplinary officers.
126
Furthermore, schools often move so slowly that
the individual reporting rape loses hope of receiving any redress.
127
Also, colleges fail to protect the student from retaliation by other
students for reporting the assault.
128
Finally, colleges use the mission of
higher education as an excuse for not expelling those found responsible
for sexual violence.
129
This last excuse made by colleges and
universities is questionable as there is no evidence that educational
institutions can rehabilitate a sex offender.
130
125
. KARJANE ET AL., CAMPUS SEXUAL ASSAULT: HOW AMERICA’S INSTITUTIONS OF
HIGHER EDUCATION RESPOND 54, 105 (2002), available at http://www.rainn.org/pdf-files-and-
other-documents/Public-Policy/Legislative-Agenda/mso44.pdf. The study also found that, of the
70% of institutions that had some sort of adjudication process, only 60% had an appeals process.
Id. at 105; see also Bonnie S. Fisher et al., Crime and Sexual Victimization on College and
University Campuses: Ivory Towers or Dangerous Places?, in RESTORATIVE JUSTICE ON THE
COLLEGE CAMPUS: PROMOTING STUDENT GROWTH AND RESPONSIBILITY, AND REAWAKENING
THE SPIRIT OF CAMPUS COMMUNITY 217, 233–34 (David R. Karp & Thom Allena eds., 2004)
(suggesting that issues with campus responses to reports contribute to why students do not report
in the first place).
126
. KARJANE ET AL., supra note 125, at 116–17. Allowing other students to be on the
hearing committee for sexual assault cases at colleges and universities increases the risk of
retaliation against the individual reporting rape for making a complaint. Additionally, some
students have discovered that the same people who hear sexual assault cases are also those who
hear completely unrelated student disciplinary cases, such as plagiarism cases and underage
drinking cases. See Alyssa Colby et al., Guest Post: How Does Your Private College Respond to
Rape and Sexual Assault?, FEMINISTING.ORG (May 12, 2010), http://feministing.com
/2010/05/12/guest-post-how-does-your-private-college-respond-to-rape-and-sexual-assault/ (“We
feel that having a board that decides on cases of plagiarism and underage drinking, also make
decisions on rape allegations belittles the incident itself and is insulting to the victim.”).
127
. See infra Part II.D.4 (discussing two Notre Dame University cases in which campus
investigators waited several days to interview the accused).
128
. See infra notes 160–162 and accompanying text (discussing a threatening text message
sent to a victim after she reported a sexual assault); see also RAPHAEL, supra note 1, at 156
(describing a victim’s reports of taunts from fellow students, threats to her and her friends, and
loss of friends as a result of reporting a rape).
129
. See Lombardi, supra note 78 (stating that college administrators often argue that
punishment is in conflict with the school’s purpose of teaching students); Shapiro, supra note 72
(stating that schools see their role as one of teaching students rather than providing justice).
130
. See Lombardi, supra note 78 (quoting Brett Sokolow of the National Center on Higher
Education Risk Management); see also John Lauerman, College Serial Rapists Evade Antiquated
Campus Responses, BLOOMBERG (June 12, 2013 11:01 PM), http://www.bloomberg.com
/news/2013-06-13/college-serial-rapists-evade-antiquated-campus-responses.html (“College
presidents don’t like to hear this, but these are sex offenders . . . . Every report should be viewed
and treated as an opportunity to identify a serial rapist.” (quoting David Lisak)).
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1218 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
The above response issues are often reasons students do not report a
sexual victimization.
131
Below are three cases that highlight these
problems; they are examples of how colleges are failing their duty to
protect students.
132
2. Marquette University
In October 2010, a female student at Marquette University in
Milwaukee, Wisconsin told Milwaukee police that four athletes had
sexually assaulted her in a dorm room.
133
She had previously spoken to
campus security officers; they informed the athletic department about
the accusation, but did not tell local law enforcement.
134
This was a
direct violation of Wisconsin law, under which campus security officers
are legally bound to report such incidents to the police.
135
Four months later, in February 2011, a nineteen-year-old Marquette
student reported to campus security that an athlete had raped her earlier
that morning, but again the school did not notify local law
enforcement.
136
The next day, campus security contacted the student
131
. See, e.g., Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 223 (arguing that students’ fears of hostile
treatment from schools are a reason for not reporting); Kitchener, supra note 66 (“If a victim
reports and the perpetrator ends up expelled—or even just suspended—the victim risks facing
social stigma from a community that doesn’t want to believe her.”).
132
. Though this Comment only highlights three cases in Part II, many more occur on
campuses every year. This Comment will reference some of these schools as examples, but the
cases mentioned here are in no way the entirety of the problem.
133
. This student reported that she was forced to perform a sex act on an athlete, and was then
locked in a bedroom with three other athletes. She reported that she was passed around the room,
and forced to touch the athletes sexually. See Ryan Haggerty, Todd Lighty & Stacy St. Clair,
One Woman’s Stand Against College Athletes, CHI. TRIB., Oct. 28, 2011,
http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/local/ct-met-marquette-sex-cases-20111028,0,4057558.sto
ry?page=1&track=rss (citing an interview with the victim describing the attack); Walker, infra
note 136 (describing the victim’s story after she opened up about the attack).
134
. See Haggerty, Lighty & St. Clair, supra note 133 (‘“My only regret is that I didn’t go [to
the police] sooner . . . . If I had gone sooner, the outcome may have been totally different.”‘
(quoting the victim)); see also Walker, infra note 136 (reporting that Milwaukee County District
Attorney, John Chisholm, was critical of Marquette’s actions because Milwaukee police did not
quickly acquire the information).
135
. See WIS. STAT. § 940.34(2)(b) (2012) (“Any person . . . granted a private security
permit . . . who has reasonable grounds to believe that a crime is being committed or has been
committed shall notify promptly an appropriate law enforcement agency of the facts which form
the basis for this belief.”); Haggerty & St. Clair, infra note 136 (stating that not notifying
Milwaukee police of the report was a violation of state law).
136
. Ryan Haggerty & Stacy St. Clair, Cases Shed Light on Lapses in Sexual Assault
Reporting at Marquette, CHI TRIB, June 21, 2011, http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2011-06-
21/sports/ct-met-marquette-sex-assaults-20110621_1_sexual-assault-sexual-attack-allegation-
crimes; Don Walker, U.S. Reviewing Marquette Response to Sex Assault Reports, MILWAUKEE
WIS. J. SENTINEL, Nov. 10, 2011, http://www.jsonline.com/news/milwaukee/us-reviewing-
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and told her that the police would not likely investigate the incident, and
that the University’s internal discipline process would do more harm
than good.
137
The school has since admitted to this error, but attempted
to excuse it by stating that it only involves police at a student’s request,
a dubious policy given that campus security discouraged her from
reporting to police.
138
It was in late March, when the news media began
covering the October 2010 incident, that the individual reporting rape in
February’s attack heard from the school.
139
She was told to stay
focused on her schoolwork and mental health rather than press
charges.
140
When asked, University officials stated that all athletes had been
disciplined under the student code of conduct as well as athletic
department rules; officials would not, however, disclose what the
punishment had been.
141
Shortly before the disciplinary proceeding, the
accuser from the February 2011 attack withdrew from classes and made
plans to transfer schools in the fall.
142
The Department of Education
began investigating these incidents as possible violations of the Clery
Act in November of 2011, but no findings against Marquette have been
made.
143
3. University of Colorado Boulder
Another case highlights colleges’ and universities’ disregard for
marquette-response-to-sex-assault-reports-4e30gub-133656848.html.
137
. Haggerty & St. Clair, supra note 136; see Walker, supra note 136 (stating that Public
Safety did not tell the Milwaukee police about the reported assault, but the female student did
herself later that day). Campus safety had questioned her original report, stating that because the
encounter began as consensual sex and ended as rape, they were unsure of whether it was a crime.
Haggerty & St. Clair, supra note 136.
138
. Id.; see also Heacox, supra note 116, at 49 (acknowledging that the school publicly
acknowledged its failure to report the alleged assault to Milwaukee police, but citing the number
of remaining questions about the cases).
139
. See Haggerty & St. Clair, supra note 136 (discussing a meeting between the victim and
the University’s dean of students).
140
. See id. (citing the victim’s statements that they told her to “focus on her schoolwork and
mental health rather than pursuing charges . . . [and] asked if she had thought about praying about
the situation”).
141
. See Haggerty, Lighty & St. Clair, supra note 133 (citing University officials’ refusal to
mention specific outcomes, but mentioning that a source close to one of the accused said that the
athlete was required to write a paper); Walker, supra note 136 (reporting that the interim athletic
director only stated that all athletes involved had been reprimanded).
142
. Sharif Durhams & Gitte Laasby, Marquette Revises Sex Assault Policies, MILWAUKEE
WIS. J. SENTENTIAL, June 22, 2011, http://www.jsonline.com/news/education
/124379168.html; Haggerty & St. Clair, supra note 136.
143
. Walker, supra note 136. For a more detailed overview and analysis of Marquette’s
possible violations of the Clery Act, see generally Heacox, supra note 116.
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1220 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
protecting students from sexual violence. In 2001, two University of
Colorado Boulder (“CU”) students, Lisa Simpson and Anne Gilmore,
reported that they had been raped by several football players and high
school recruits whom they had agreed to host at Ms. Simpson’s
apartment.
144
The night prior, some of the recruits had sex with female
students at a local hotel; the other recruits were assured similar
treatment the next night.
145
On the night in question, Ms. Simpson
eventually went to sleep, but reported that she awoke to find naked
players and recruits removing her clothes.
146
She reported that they
then raped her orally and vaginally.
147
Ms. Gilmore, who was too
intoxicated to consent, reported that, in the same room, three men also
raped her.
148
Following the attack, Ms. Simpson withdrew from CU
and Ms. Gilmore took a year off.
149
Ms. Simpson and Ms. Gilmore filed suit under Title IX stating that
CU knew of the risk of sexual harassment of female students in
connection with the football-recruiting program and that it failed to take
any action before their assaults.
150
The district court granted CU’s
subsequent motion for summary judgment, but in Simpson v. University
of Colorado Boulder, the Tenth Circuit reversed and reinstated the
victims’ claim.
151
The Tenth Circuit found past incidents of sexual
assault indicative of the school’s knowledge,
152
such as the reported
sexual assault of a high school girl who attended a CU football player’s
party in 1997, the sexual harassment of a female football team member,
and the rape of a female student employed by the athletic department.
153
144
. Simpson v. Univ. of Colo. Boulder, 500 F.3d 1170, 1180 (10th Cir. 2007); see also
Sherry, supra note 67 (describing the Simpson lawsuit).
145
. Simpson, 500 F.3d at 1180.
146
. Id.; see also Sherry, supra note 67 (describing the attack leading to the lawsuit).
147
. Simpson, 500 F.3d at 1180.
148
. Id.
149
. Id.
150
. Id. at 1174.
151
. Id. at 1173–74; see also Pankratz, supra note 67 (reporting that the complaint alleged that
CU sanctioned, supported, and funded a recruiting program that inevitably led to recruits and
athletes committing sexual offenses); Sherry, supra note 67 (stating that the lawsuit has brought
the “tawdry, sex-charge culture of sports recruiting at the school” to light).
152
. Simpson, 500 F.3d at 1183–84.
153
. The court’s opinion references cases of sexual assault by CU football players dating back
to 1989. Id. at 1181. Following the reported 1997 assault of the high school girl, the local district
attorney’s office spoke with University and athletic officials about their concern that women were
being made available to recruits for sex. Id. at 1182. In response, CU made minor changes to
their school-wide sexual harassment policy, but did not address the issue specific to athletes, or
with athletes. Id. Additionally, after the female football player’s father reported sexual
harassment of his daughter, the school prevented her from playing on the team in retaliation. Id.
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Following Ms. Simpson’s and Ms. Gilmore’s complaints, the school
merely revoked the scholarships of four football players implicated in
the attack, but did not prohibit them from playing in the school’s
January 2002 bowl game.
154
The Tenth Circuit also noted evidence of
obstruction in the school’s investigation of the complaints.
155
Following the Tenth Circuit’s reinstatement of the claim, CU reached a
$2.85 million settlement with the victims, of which Ms. Simpson
received $2.5 million and Ms. Gilmore received $350,000.
156
4. The University of Notre Dame
A third, and final, example further highlights the disturbing way
universities handle cases of sexual assault on campus. In 2011, the
Department of Education began investigating Notre Dame when the
school’s handling of sexual assault cases made national news.
157
In
2010, Elizabeth (Lizzy) Seeberg, a student at the neighboring St. Mary’s
College, committed suicide nine days after reporting in a handwritten
statement to campus police that a Notre Dame football player had
sexually assaulted her in his dorm room.
158
Following the reported
at 1183; see also Sherry, supra note 67 (describing the recruiting culture at CU as one in which
strippers were hired to entertain and women were paid to have sex with football players and
recruits).
154
. Simpson, 500 F.3d at 1184.
155
. See id. (noting that a University police officer who served as a personal escort for the
team’s coach obstructed the investigation by meeting with football players prior to the
investigating officers, and that a witness student-athlete had her scholarship terminated and was
excluded from the athletic facilities and benefits after telling police what she saw at Ms.
Simpson’s apartment).
156
. Pankratz, supra note 67; Sherry, supra note 67.
157
. See generally Melinda Henneberger, Reported Sexual Assault at Notre Dame Campus
Leaves More Questions Than Answers, NAT’L CATH. REP., Mar. 26, 2012,
http://ncronline.org/news/accountability/reported-sexual-assault-notre-dame-campus-leaves-
more-questions-answers (providing a detailed overview of the Lizzy Seeberg case); Stacy St.
Clair & Todd Lighty, Family Criticizes Notre Dame in 2nd Sex Attack Case, CHI TRIB., Feb. 17,
2011, http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2011-02-17/news/ct-met-notre-dame-20110217_1_att
ack-allegation-campus-police-attack-case/2 [hereinafter St. Clair & Lighty, Family Criticizes
Notre Dame in 2nd Sex Attack Case] (stating that the Department of Education was spurred to
look into Notre Dame’s handling of sexual assault cases by the Chicago Tribune’s reporting);
Stacy St. Clair & Todd Lighty, ‘It Feels Like a Betrayal,’ CHI TRIB, Dec. 16, 2010,
http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2010-12-16/news/ct-met-notre-dame-seeberg-
20101216_1_campus-police-notre-dame-handling [hereinafter St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a
Betrayal] (discussing Notre Dame’s treatment of sexual assault); Dom Cosentino, This Is What
Happens When You Accuse a Notre Dame Football Player of Sexually Assaulting You, DEADSPIN
(Apr. 6, 2012), http://deadspin.com/5897809/this-is-what-happens-when-you-accuse-a-notre-
dame-football-player-of-sexually-assaulting-you (increasing the coverage of Notre Dame’s
inadequate response to Lizzy Seeberg’s allegations).
158
. See Henneberger, supra note 157 (recounting Ms. Seeberg’s report to police following
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1222 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
assault, Ms. Seeberg immediately wrote the statement upon returning to
her campus, sought assistance the next day from the St. Mary’s victim-
assistance program, went to a hospital and consented to a DNA
evidence kit, and reported the attack to authorities.
159
Two days after
the reported attack, Ms. Seeberg received a threatening text message
from the player’s friend warning her, “Don’t do anything you would
regret. Messing with notre dame [sic] football is a bad idea.”
160
Throughout the next several days, Ms. Seeberg continued to send
campus police information, including details about the text message and
a link to the player’s online football profile.
161
It took more than a
week after Ms. Seeberg filed the complaint for the Notre Dame
detective to attempt to contact the player.
162
Another unsuccessful
attempt to contact the player was made by police four days later.
163
It
was not until two weeks after the alleged attack—and four days after
Ms. Seeberg’s death—that police interviewed the player.
164
Ms.
Seeberg’s parents continuously followed up with the school, but
according to media accounts, the school shut them out of the
investigation completely.
165
It was not until the Seebergs hired a high-
profile attorney that they were even able to see a timeline of the
the attack); St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a Betrayal, supra note 157 (reporting that Ms.
Seeberg stated that she went to the player’s room with a friend of the player’s and the friend’s
girlfriend, both of whom she knew. She stated that the other couple abruptly left after what
seemed to be a text messaging conversation between the player and his friend. She reported that
the player began attacking her once they left, and stopped when his cell phone distracted him).
159
. St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a Betrayal, supra note 157; see also Henneberger, supra
note 157 (discussing Ms. Seeberg’s actions following the attack).
160
. St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a Betrayal, supra note 157; see also Henneberger, supra
note 157 (citing statements by Ms. Seeberg’s friend that when they went to the police station the
next day, the player’s friend was texting and calling her. Ms. Seeberg’s friend described it as
“threatening”).
161
. Henneberger, supra note 157; see also St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a Betrayal, supra
note 157 (describing Ms. Seeberg’s actions after the assault).
162
. Henneberger, supra note 157; see also St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a Betrayal, supra
note 157 (detailing the lack of University action on her complaint).
163
. Henneberger, supra note 157; see also St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a Betrayal, supra
note 157 (discussing the University’s light investigation).
164
. Henneberger, supra note 157; St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a Betrayal, supra note
157. Legal experts, victim advocates, and defense lawyers have all stated that such delays in
investigation compromise evidence. See St. Clair & Lighty, Family Criticizes Notre Dame in 2nd
Sex Attack Case, supra note 157 (quoting a victim advocate and a Chicago defense attorney).
165
. See St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a Betrayal, supra note 157 (stating that the
Seebergs’ questions went unanswered by the University); see also Henneberger, supra note 157
(describing how Ms. Seeberg’s parents were told by Notre Dame police that they might not have
time to follow up on the case because “it’s football season and there is a lot of underage
drinking”).
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investigation.
166
That same school year, another female student from
St. Mary’s reported being sexually attacked by a Notre Dame athlete
and experienced similar struggles in getting the school to take her
allegations seriously.
167
The Department of Education began investigating the school in late
2010.
168
After a seven-month investigation, the school reached an
agreement with the Department of Education in which it was required to
complete administrative reviews within sixty days and develop a written
policy stating that sexual misconduct allegations are evaluated by a
“preponderance of the evidence” standard, meaning the alleged attack
more likely than not occurred.
169
In both of the above cases, the school
avoided any transparency with the victims and their families about the
investigation.
170
In Ms. Seeberg’s case, the school attempted to damage
166
. See St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a Betrayal, supra note 157 (describing how the
Seebergs’ questions went unanswered until they hired a powerful attorney). Their attorney was
Zachary Fardon, a former federal prosecutor who tried ex-Illinois Governor George Ryan, and
current nominee to be the next U.S. Attorney in Chicago. Jason Meisner, Senate Committee
Clears Nominee for U.S. Attorney, CHI. TRIB., Sept. 26, 2013, http://www.chicagotribune
.com/news/local/ct-met-fardon-nomination-approved-20130927,0,7918526.story. However, Mr.
Fardon was only able to obtain a timeline of the investigation, which indicated that the school did
not seek the player’s phone records, despite Ms. Seeberg’s report that he had been
communicating with his friend in the same room via text message prior to the attack, or speak to
Ms. Seeberg’s friend who co-signed her statement until after Mr. Seeberg called the Department.
St. Clair & Lighty, It Feels Like a Betrayal, supra note 157.
167
. As with Ms. Seeberg’s case, the University delayed fully investigating her allegations.
Like Ms. Seeberg, the individual reporting rape was a nineteen-year-old student at St. Mary’s,
had filed a police report within twenty-four hours of the attack, and had gone to the hospital. In
this case, the woman reported the attack on September 5, and the University did not speak with
the accused until eleven days later. St. Clair & Lighty, Family Criticizes Notre Dame in 2nd Sex
Attack Case, supra note 157 (discussing the case of a second victim from Notre Dame); see
Henneberger, supra note 157 (describing another victim’s story).
168
. See Henneberger, supra note 157 (explaining that the Seeberg case led to the Department
of Education launching an investigation into Notre Dame’s handing of sexual assault cases); St.
Clair & Lighty, Family Criticizes Notre Dame in 2nd Sex Attack Case, supra note 157 (asserting
that the Tribune’s first story on Ms. Seeberg’s case led to the Department of Education beginning
an investigation).
169
. RESOLUTION AGREEMENT: UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME 5, 8 (2011), available at
http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/investigations/05072011-b.pdf.
170
. In contrast to the low priority Notre Dame put on investigating sexual assault, the school
put a high priority on investigating an internet hoax played on their star football player in 2012.
Although it took the school almost two weeks to interview the accused students after allegations
of sexual assault, the school immediately hired a private investigator when it became apparent a
public prank was played on their star athlete. See Irin Carmon, Notre Dame’s Real Dead Girl,
SALON (Jan. 17, 2013, 9:53 AM), http://www.salon.com/2013/01/17/notre_dames_
double_standard/ (comparing Notre Dame’s response to the Manti Te’o incident to its response to
Ms. Seeberg’s sexual assault and suicide); see also Tyler Kingkade, Notre Dame Responds to
Lizzy Seeberg Suicide Contrasts With Manti Te’o Girlfriend Hoax, HUFFINGTON POST (Jan. 17,
2013, 10:48 PM), http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/01/17/notre-dame-lizzy-seeberg-
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1224 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
Ms. Seeberg’s reputation after her death to reporters,
171
and in the other
student’s case, the school stated she had delayed the investigation
because she was uncertain about pressing charges.
172
Issues such as those presented in the above examples highlight the
need for further government intervention, as Title IX and the Clery Act
are not adequately protecting students.
II. DISCUSSION
This Part will discuss the attributes of the Campus SaVE Act, an Act
designed to address the failures of Title IX and the Clery Act to protect
students from sexual assault. It will first discuss the legislative history
of the Campus SaVE Act. Next, this Part will provide an overview of
the Act’s provisions, focusing specifically on new reporting
requirements, educational programming requirements, and procedural
requirements.
A. Legislative History of the Campus SaVE Act
On March 7, 2013, the Campus SaVE Act was signed into law as part
of the VAWA Reauthorization.
173
The Act became effective on March
7, 2014,
174
and the Department of Education underwent a negotiated
rulemaking process for its implementation.
175
The goal of the Campus
suicide_n_2499256.html (noting how Notre Dame showed greater concern over the Manti Te’o
hoax than it did over Ms. Seeberg’s sexual assault and suicide).
171
. See Hennenberger, supra note 157 (recounting how the player’s lawyer, who answered
questions sent to the University spokesman, falsely painted Ms. Seeberg as an unstable young
woman who should never have been away from home due to the medication she was on and
spread rumors about past accusations Ms. Seeberg had made, none of which could be found);
Melinda Henneberger, Why I Won’t Be Cheering for Old Notre Dame, WASH. POST (Dec. 4,
2012, 11:02 PM), http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/she-the-people/wp/2012/12/04/why-i-
wont-be-cheering-for-old-notre-dame/ (stating that school officials spread rumors to the author
and others about Ms. Seeberg’s mental stability).
172
. St. Clair & Lighty, Family Criticizes Notre Dame in 2nd Sex Attack Case, supra note
157. The family and individual reporting rape in this second case vehemently deny any
uncertainty about pressing charges. Regardless, the International Association of Chiefs of Police
and numerous law enforcement experts and victim advocates state that after making the initial
report, the individual should not be expected to make decisions regarding the investigation or be
responsible for activating it. Id.
173
. Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2013, Pub. L. No. 113-4, 127 Stat. 54;
see VAWA Amendments to Clery/Campus SaVE, CLERY CENTER FOR SECURITY ON CAMPUS,
http://clerycenter.org/article/vawa-amendments-clerycampus-save (last visited Mar. 27, 2014)
(discussing the passage of the Campus SaVE Act within the reauthorization of VAWA).
174
. Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2013 § 4; New Requirements Imposed
by the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 1.
175
. See Regulatory Issues, 78 Fed. Reg. 22467-68 (Apr. 16, 2013) (announcing rulemakings
pertaining to changes made to the campus safety and security requirements by the reauthorization
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SaVE Act is to close the gap in current laws by requiring colleges and
universities to clearly explain their policies on sexual assault, stalking,
dating violence, and domestic violence, so that all young people can
focus on their intellectual passions during college, rather than having to
deal with the mental and physical exhaustion of abuse.
176
B. Provisions of the Campus SaVE Act
The provisions of the Campus SaVE Act impose new requirements
on colleges and universities. First, the Campus SaVE Act contains new
reporting requirements for schools. Universities must now report
statistics on incidents of domestic violence, dating violence, and
stalking .
177
As with other crimes, the Act still requires campuses to
provide these statistics based on reports to campus authorities or local
police.
178
Furthermore, the Act specifies that schools cannot reveal the
victims’ names in the required “timely reports” made to the student
body when crimes are considered a threat to other students.
179
Second, the Campus SaVE Act expands educational programming
requirements to promote awareness about violence to students.
180
of VAWA); see also VAWA Amendments to Clery/Campus SaVE, supra note 173 (explaining that
specific guidelines will be released by the Department of Education after the negotiated
rulemaking process).
176
. 159 CONG. REC. E179 (2013) (statement of Rep. Carolyn Maloney).
177
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(1)(F)(iii) (West 2013); see also New Requirements Imposed by the
Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 1–2 (describing the new reporting
requirements). “Domestic violence” is defined as “asserted misdemeanor and felony offenses
committed by the victim’s current or former spouse, current or former cohabitant, person
similarly situated under domestic or family violence law, or anyone else protected under domestic
or family violence law.” “Dating violence” has been defined as “violence by a person who has
been in a romantic or intimate relationship with the victim. Whether there was such relationship
[sic] will be gauged by its length, type, and frequency of interaction.” “Stalking” is defined as “a
course of conduct directed at a specific person that would cause a reasonable person to fear for
her, his, or others’ safety, or to suffer substantial emotional distress.” New Requirements Imposed
by the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 1–2.
178
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(1)(F)(iii); see also Understanding the Campus SaVE Act, KNOW
YOUR IX, http://knowyourix.org/understanding-the-campus-save-act/ (last visited Nov. 5, 2013)
(noting that the requirement to report statistics has stayed the same, but the types of crimes that
must be reported have been expanded).
179
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(3); see also New Requirements Imposed by the Violence Against
Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2 (explaining changes to the timely reports schools
must make after a crime to prevent similar occurrences). As noted in Part I.C.3, this aspect of the
Clery Act is not likely to help prevent acquaintance rape on college campuses. See supra note
116 (arguing that emergency notification does not apply to cases of acquaintance rape).
180
. See New Requirements Imposed by the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act,
supra note 7, at 3 (stating that the Campus SaVE Act is more prescriptive in its requirements for
educational programming on sexual violence than the “Dear Colleague” letter); Understanding
the Campus SaVE Act, supra note 178 (explaining that, although the “Dear Colleague” letter
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1226 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
Formerly, the Clery Act only required that the schools’ policy include
“education programs to promote the awareness of rape, acquaintance
rape, and other sex offenses.”
181
Now, the Campus SaVE Act requires
that the programs be of primary prevention and awareness for all
incoming students and new employees.
182
The program must
incorporate definitions for the offenses in the applicable jurisdictions,
183
as well as the definition of consent in reference to sexual activity.
184
Programs must teach participants safe and positive options for bystander
intervention that an individual can use to prevent harm or intervene if
there is a risk of sexual assault.
185
They must also give information on
risk reduction so students may better recognize warning signs of
abusive behavior and potential attacks.
186
Finally, education about
sexual violence must continue for all students and faculty in the form of
ongoing prevention and awareness campaigns by the school.
187
Third, the Campus SaVE Act clarifies minimum standards for
institutional discipline proceedings and improves transparency so
individuals reporting rape better know their rights.
188
Before the
Campus SaVE Act, institutions were required to (1) inform students of
the procedures they should follow; (2) give them information regarding
the importance of evidence—as may be necessary to prove the
assault
189
or obtain a protective order; (3) tell students to whom the
offense should be reported; and (4) disclose the procedures for
suggested educational programming on sexual violence, the Campus SaVE Act now mandates it).
181
. See 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(i) (2012).
182
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(i)(I); see also New Requirements Imposed by the Violence
Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 3.
183
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(i)(I)(bb); see also VAWA Amendments to Clery/Campus
SaVE, supra note 173.
184
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(i)(I)(cc); see also VAWA Amendments to Clery/Campus
SaVE, supra note 173.
185
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(i)(I)(dd); see also New Requirements Imposed by the
Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 3.
186
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(i)(I)(ee); see also New Requirements Imposed by the
Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 3.
187
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(i)(II); see VAWA Amendments to Clery/Campus SaVE,
supra note 173.
188
. See The Campus Sexual Violence Elimination (SaVE) Act, CLERY CENTER FOR
SECURITY ON CAMPUS, http://clerycenter.org/campus-sexual-violence-elimination-save-act (last
visited Nov. 5, 2013) (discussing how the Campus SaVE Act creates better transparency and
accountability for students); Understanding the Campus SaVE Act, supra note 178 (summarizing
what the Campus SaVE Act actually does).
189
. The provisions apply to domestic violence, dating violence, and stalking, as well as
sexual assault. However, for the purposes of this Comment, only instances of sexual assault are
discussed.
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institutional disciplinary action.
190
Additionally, the only procedural
aspects about which schools were required to inform students prior to
the Campus SaVE Act were that the individual reporting rape and the
accused are entitled to the same opportunities to have others present
during an institutional disciplinary proceeding, and that both parties
should be informed about the outcome of such a proceeding.
191
The
school was also required to give written notification to individuals
reporting rape about options on campus or in the community for
counseling, physical health, mental health, and student services for
victims of sexual assault,
192
as well as written notification to these
individuals about options for and assistance in changing academic,
living, transportation, and working situations if requested by the accuser
and reasonably available.
193
The Campus SaVE Act now requires schools to inform students
about their options regarding law enforcement and campus authorities
such as the accuser’s option to notify proper law enforcement
authorities, her right to be assisted by campus authorities in notifying
law enforcement, and her option not to notify authorities.
194
However,
as seen in cases such as the one at Marquette University, schools often
discourage students from actually notifying law enforcement of
assault,
195
and it remains to be seen whether these practices will
continue after the Campus SaVE Act goes into effect. Schools must
also notify students of their rights and the institution’s responsibilities
regarding orders of protection, no-contact orders, or other lawful orders
issued by a court.
196
Finally, the school must inform students about the institution’s
procedures for institutional disciplinary action.
197
These procedures
190
. 20 U.S.C. §§ 1092(f)(8)(B)(iii)–(iv) (2012); see also New Requirements Imposed by the
Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2.
191
. 20 U.S.C. §§ 1092(f)(8)(B)(iv)(I)–(II); see also New Requirements Imposed by the
Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2.
192
. 20 U.S.C. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(vi); see also New Requirements Imposed by the Violence
Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2.
193
. 20 U.S.C § 1092(f)(8)(B)(vii); see also New Requirements Imposed by the Violence
Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2.
194
. 20 U.S.C.A. §§ 1092(f)(8)(B)(iii)(III)(aa)–(cc) (West 2013); see also New Requirements
Imposed by the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2–3.
195
. See supra Part I.D.2 (discussing the manner in which Marquette University handled a
student’s report of sexual assault).
196
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(iii)(IV); see also New Requirements Imposed by the
Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2.
197
. See The Campus Sexual Violence Elimination (SaVE) Act, supra note 188 (stating that
the Campus SaVE Act clarifies minimum standards for disciplinary procedures covering sexual
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1228 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
must provide “prompt, fair, and impartial” investigation and
resolution.
198
Additionally, the individuals who handle the proceedings
must receive annual training on sexual violence issues and on
conducting investigations and hearings.
199
The proceedings must also
detail the standard of evidence that will be used during any
adjudication.
200
Furthermore, the individual reporting rape and the
accused must be simultaneously informed in writing about the
institution’s procedures for the parties to appeal the results, any change
to the results before they become final, and when the results become
final.
201
Also, the school must notify students about how the institution
will protect the confidentiality of the individual reporting rape,
including information about how publicly available recordkeeping will
be accomplished without violating that privacy.
202
III. ANALYSIS
This Part will analyze the Campus SaVE Act by thoroughly
discussing its attributes. First, it will address the potentially positive
components of the Campus SaVE Act.
203
Then, it will highlight the
weaknesses of the Act, focusing on areas that need to be clarified during
the implementation of the law, or addressed by future legislation.
204
A. Strengths of the Campus SaVE Act
The Campus SaVE Act has many positive components that might
violence); Understanding the Campus SaVE Act, supra note 178 (describing the requirement for
an equitable disciplinary proceeding similar to that recommended by the “Dear Colleague” letter).
198
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(iv)(I)(aa); see also The Campus Sexual Violence
Elimination (SaVE) Act, supra note 188 (“SaVE clarifies minimum standards for institutional
disciplinary procedures . . . to ensure that . . . proceedings shall be prompt, fair, and
impartial . . . .”)
199
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(iv)(I)(bb); see also Understanding the Campus SaVE Act,
supra note 178 (discussing how colleges must handle disciplinary proceedings under the Campus
SaVE Act).
200
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(A)(ii); see also New Requirements Imposed by the Violence
Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2. The Campus SaVE Act does not
specifically state the evidentiary standard to be used in these proceedings, but the “Dear
Colleague” Letter suggests this standard should be a “preponderance of the evidence.” See DEAR
COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 10–11; see also New Requirements Imposed by the
Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2.
201
. 20 U.S.C.A. §§ 1092(f)(8)(B)(iv)(III)(aa)–(dd); see also New Requirements Imposed by
the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 3.
202
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(v); see also New Requirements Imposed by the Violence
Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 3.
203
. See infra Part III.A (analyzing the strengths of the Campus SaVE Act).
204
. See infra Part III.B (analyzing the weaknesses of the Campus SaVE Act).
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help address the issue of campus sexual violence if the law is
implemented correctly. First, the Act broadens the types of crimes
colleges and universities are required to address, stepping away from
the stranger rape focus, and recognizing the danger of sexual violence
among acquaintances and intimate partners.
205
Additionally, the Campus SaVE Act requires schools to educate
students on sexual violence, including acquaintance rape.
206
The 2011
“Dear Colleague” Letter previously recommended that schools create
similar preventative education programs to eliminate sexual violence,
but the Campus SaVE Act mandates that these programs occur.
207
The
expansion and delineation of more prescriptive requirements for
educational programs is necessary because in order to combat sexual
violence on college campuses programs must focus on changing
behavior, not just attitudes.
208
Focusing more on education involves
moving away from previous forms of sexual assault prevention on
campuses, such as self-defense training, blue lights, cameras, and other
forms of protection that apply only to stranger rape.
209
Furthermore,
because the risk of rape is highest during the freshman year,
210
it is
encouraging that these programs are explicitly required for all new
students.
211
205
. See 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(1)(F)(iii) (explaining that data should be compiled not only on
sexual assault, but also domestic violence, dating violence, and stalking); see also New
Requirements Imposed by the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 1–2
(describing the new reporting requirements).
206
. See 59 CONG. REC. E179 (2013) (statement of Rep. Carolyn Maloney) (stating that the
Campus SaVE Act promotes prevention and bystander intervention by requiring schools to
develop clear statements of their policy regarding prevention programs); see also The Campus
Sexual Violence Elimination (SaVE) Act, supra note 188.
207
. See DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 14–15 (discussing the types of
education programs schools should implement); see also New Requirements Imposed by the
Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 3 (stating that the Campus SaVE
Act is more prescriptive in its requirements for education programs than the “Dear Colleague”
Letter).
208
. SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 25; see also KREBS ET AL., supra note 1, at xvii (arguing that
programs should focus on primary prevention for women who have not experienced sexual
assault).
209
. See SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 25, 31 (arguing that these forms of prevention are limited
in their effectiveness); see also Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 221 (“[T]he vast majority of campus
sexual violence cannot be addressed through better lighting, blue light phones, and police escort
services.”).
210
. KREBS ET AL., supra note 1, at xviii; SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 12.
211
. SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 26 (suggesting that programs occur at orientation and
possibly through mailed letters prior to the start of classes); see Fisher & Blevins et al., supra
note 125, at 3 (noting that less than one-third of schools had special orientation programs for new
students).
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Finally, it is important that these educational programs must involve
multiple intervention efforts, such as bystander intervention, with
repeated and reinforced exposure to the issue.
212
Bystander intervention
programs are necessary as other students are often the first responders
when a sexual assault occurs.
213
Because research suggests that
education is not effective in teaching aggressors not to rape,
214
bystander intervention programs can be successful at educating students
to recognize the warning signs of a predatory rapist so students can help
each other.
215
However, educating both men and women on the
definition of consent could still be beneficial, especially in increasing
rape reporting. The Campus Sexual Assault Study found that only
212
. See SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 25 (stating that educating students about sexual assault
should be done with repeated and reinforced exposure to the subject); see also KREBS ET AL.,
supra note 1, at xix (recommending that education prevention programs be designed as
continuing education, rather than one-time occurrences).
213
. See Abigail Boyer, Dir. of Commc’ns & Outreach, Clery Ctr. for Sec. on Campus,
Statement at the Hearing Before the U.S. Department of Education Office of Postsecondary
Education (May 21, 2013) [hereinafter Boyer Testimony], available at
http://www2.ed.gov/policy/highered/reg/hearulemaking/2012/transcript-dc052113.p
df; see also Victoria L. Banyard et al., Bystander Education: Bringing a Broader Community
Perspective to Sexual Violence Prevention, 35 J. COMMUNITY PSYCHOL. 463, 477–79 (2007)
(suggesting that bystander intervention programs might create wider community change by
increasing community support for intervening against violence, and therefore reduce societal
tolerance for sexual violence as a whole). The authors of the Bystander Education study did not
limit their research to sexual assault on college campuses, but the type of broad changes to
community norms they found are needed on college campuses. See Banyard et al., supra, at 464
(discussing the problem of sexual violence in entire communities).
214
. See David Lisak, Understanding the Predatory Nature of Sexual Violence 8 (Jan. 1,
2008) (unpublished manuscript), available at http://www.innovations.harvard.edu/showdoc
.html?id=134841 (citing his research on undetected college rapists). Lisak interviewed college
men and identified 120 rapists. Id. at 7. His research has indicated that on college campuses,
repeat predators account for approximately 90% of the rapes. Id.; see also Joseph Shapiro, Myths
That Make It Hard To Stop Campus Rape, NPR (Mar. 4, 2010),
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=124272157 [hereinafter Shapiro, Rape
Myths] (‘“These are clearly not individuals who are simply in need of a little extra education
about proper communication with the opposite sex. . . . These are predators.”‘ (quoting David
Lisak)). It should be noted that this view is not held by all experts. Shapiro, Rape Myths, supra
(comparing Lisak’s view to the view of Peter Lake, a Stetson University law professor and
consultant to universities on discipline procedures, who believes that “people have made terrible
mistakes and can actually learn to be better people from that . . . . [T]here is still a chance for
teachable moments”).
215
. See Fisher & Blevins et al., supra note 125 (suggesting that because other students are
most likely to learn of victimizations they must receive better training and education regarding
how to respond to assaults); Lisak, supra note 214 (“Rather than focusing prevention efforts on
the rapists, it would seem far more effective to focus those efforts on the far more numerous
bystanders—men and women who are part of the social and cultural milieu in which rapes are
spawned and who can be mobilized to identify perpetrators and intervene in high-risk
situations.”).
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46.5% of women who were victims of rape actually considered it to be a
rape.
216
Furthermore, one of the largest studies to date found that
22.8% of college rape victims were repeat victims.
217
Additionally,
research shows that alcohol is frequently associated with sexual assaults
on college campuses and research indicates that college rapists use their
own intoxicated condition as an excuse for their crimes.
218
Further,
experts suggest that rape is a product of mainstream beliefs about
women’s role in sexual situations.
219
Therefore, by educating students
and engaging in discussion about the risks and signs of abusive
behavior, high-risk situations such as those involving alcohol, and the
true definitions of consent and rape, schools can help students recognize
and avoid dangerous situations.
220
Unfortunately, schools do not
currently address sexual assault in this upfront manner.
221
For example,
despite previous dealings with the Department of Education about their
policies, Yale University still refuses to use the term “rape” in its
official reports and instead describes it as “nonconsensual sex.”
222
Another positive aspect of the Campus SaVE Act is that colleges are
now required to have formal adjudicative procedures like those merely
suggested in the 2011 “Dear Colleague” Letter, therefore bridging a gap
between Title IX and the Clery Act.
223
Not complying with these
216
. KREBS ET AL., supra note 1, at 15.
217
. FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 10; see also SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 14 (citing the
Fisher et al. study as one of the largest to date).
218
. See, e.g., SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 16 (stating that alcohol increases misperceptions
between victim and perpetrator because it reduces a person’s capacity to analyze complex
stimuli); Antonia Abbey, Alcohol-Related Sexual Assault, in VICTIMOLOGY: A TEXT/READER
217, 224 (Leah E. Daigle ed., 2012) (citing research finding that 62% of college date rapists felt
they committed rape because of their alcohol consumption); see also Shapiro, Rape Myths, supra
note 214 (citing Peter Lake’s argument that the culture of college campuses—a lot of sexual
activity, alcohol, and a population at an at-risk age—is a “perfect storm for sex assault issues”).
219
. SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 15; see also Mychal Denzel Smith, Don’t Shift the Focus
From Men, Room for Debate: Young Women Drinking and Rape, N.Y. TIMES, Oct. 23, 2013,
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2013/10/23/young-women-drinking-and-rape/in-discussi
|ng-rape-prevention-dont-shift-the-focus-from-men (arguing that eliminating rape would involve
addressing the issues of masculinity, sex, and power that are ingrained in our current social
order).
220
. See KILPATRICK ET AL., supra note 1, at 62 (hypothesizing that part of the low-reporting
problem stems from women’s failure to define certain types of events as rapes); SAMPSON, supra
note 1, at 27–29 (discussing what acquaintance rape risk-reduction programs for college students
should entail).
221
. See supra Part I.D (discussing schools’ responses to sexual assault problems).
222
. Kelley, supra note 64 (citing activists’ criticism of the school for using the term
“nonconsensual sex” rather than “rape”); see 2013 YALE REPORT, supra note 65, at 4–6 (finding
students guilty of having “nonconsensual sex”).
223
. See supra notes 188–202 and accompanying text (discussing new procedural
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procedures can now be sanctioned through the imposition of fines under
the Clery Act, which gives the Department of Education a powerful tool
against offending universities if properly implemented.
224
Despite Title
IX, current disciplinary processes are unclear as to how an investigation
is conducted, who will comprise the hearing committee, and what due
process rights the accused will be given.
225
Therefore, the requirements
in the Campus SaVE Act that colleges clearly state their procedures and
that those procedures meet specific standards will better protect
students.
226
Finally, it is beneficial that the Campus SaVE Act
mandates specialized training for those who conduct the adjudicative
procedures because previously, members of these hearing committees
have had inadequate preparation.
227
If those who adjudicate the case do
requirements of the Campus SaVE Act); see also New Requirements Imposed by the Violence
Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2–3 (comparing the new student discipline
requirements of the Campus SaVE Act to those recommended by the 2011 “Dear Colleague”
Letter).
224
. See Laura Dunn, SurvJustice, Statement at the Hearing Before the U.S. Department of
Education Office of Postsecondary Education (May 21, 2013) [hereinafter Dunn Testimony],
available at http://www2.ed.gov/policy/highered/reg/hearulemaking/2012/transcript-dc05211
3.pdf (arguing that intermediate sanctions under the Clery Act are a powerful tool for the
Department of Education to use against schools who do not comply with these procedural
requirements); see also Dana Bolger & Alexandra Brodsky, Title IX Action N.Y. & Know Your
IX, Statement at the Hearing Before the U.S. Department of Education Office of Postsecondary
Education (May 21, 2013) [hereinafter Bolger & Brodsky Testimony], available at
http://www2.ed.gov/policy/highered/reg/hearulemaking/2012/transcript-dc052113.pdf (noting
that although fines under the Clery Act are small given the wealth of many universities, they
hopefully signal a desire by the Department of Education to enforce federal laws protecting
students from sexual assault).
225
. See Fisher & Blevins et al., supra note 125, at 234 (discussing how difficult it can be to
determine colleges’ actual disciplinary processes); Lauerman, supra note 130 (stating that
colleges have been under fire recently for using antiquated and amateurish procedures to prevent
and investigate rape).
226
. Some experts argue that colleges are not appropriate places to hold investigations and
punish sexual offenders. See Nancy Chi Cantalupo, “Decriminalizing” Campus Institutional
Responses to Peer Sexual Violence, 38 J.C. & U.L. 481, 523 (2012) (arguing that the institutional
responses are too similar to law enforcement responses); cf. Lisak, supra note 214, at 9
(questioning the efficacy of judicial boards, but recommending universities commit themselves to
restructuring their processes to be successful). However, other experts recognize that schools do
have a duty to protect their students and therefore, must address sexual assault seriously,
especially since the criminal justice system does not. See, e.g., Lauerman, supra note 130 (‘“I’m
not sure I fully understand why it isn’t being handled by the judicial system, but it’s not, so it
needs to be addressed by us. If we take our students’ well-being seriously we need to address it”‘
(quoting Jonathon Veitech, President of Occidental College)); Lombardi, supra note 78 (stating
that prosecutors often shy away from campus rape allegations because they often result in “he
said, she said” disputes); see also RAPHAEL, supra note 1, at 182 (stating that colleges have a
legal obligation to maintain a safe and equal learning environment for everyone and therefore,
must have adequate judicial processes).
227
. See KARJANE ET AL., supra note 125, at 116 (finding that 75.8% of schools have faculty
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not have specialized training in the complexities of sexual assault cases,
the proceedings are far from fair or impartial as required by law.
228
B. Weaknesses of the Campus SaVE Act
Despite its strengths, the Campus SaVE Act has several weaknesses.
First, it does not explicitly require enough administrators, faculty, and
staff to have the training required to adequately address sexual assault
on college campuses. The vast majority of professionals working on the
front lines of residential life, student conduct, public safety, and other
departments where survivors might report are not prepared for handling
cases of sexual assault,
229
yet the Campus SaVE Act only specifically
mandates such training for individuals who conduct disciplinary
proceedings.
230
It is beneficial that the Campus SaVE Act mandates
specialized training for those individuals hearing sexual assault cases,
231
but there is no mandate that other school officials and employees have
training. It is also essential that universities ensure campus healthcare
staff, residence directors and assistance, Greek advisors, and coaches
are properly trained and educated due to their proximity to high-risk
victims and offenders.
232
members on their hearing boards, 20.6% have generic administration, and 19.9% have an actual
judicial or disciplinary officer); see also Lauerman, supra note 130 (reporting that until 2012,
students at the University of North Carolina took sexual assault complaints to a student-run
conduct committee).
228
. See 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(iv)(I)(aa) (West 2013) (stating that universities and
colleges must disclose their disciplinary procedures with a clear statement that the proceedings
shall “provide a prompt, fair, and impartial investigation and resolution” and be conducted by
“officials who receive annual training” in the issue).
229
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 221–22 (discussing lack of information about sexual
assault as an information problem); see also SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 30 (suggesting that key
campus personnel be educated about sexual assault).
230
. See 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(iv)(I)(bb) (stating that all proceedings must be
conducted by individuals who receive annual training on issues of sexual violence and how to
conduct investigations and hearings); see also New Requirements Imposed by the Violence
Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 7, at 2 (stating the Campus SaVE Act requires
that institutional officers who conduct the proceedings have training). Although the Campus
SaVE Act does mandate education programs for new employees, 20 U.S.C.A. §
1092(f)(8)(B)(i)(I), and ongoing prevention and awareness campaigns for students and faculty, id.
§ 1092(f)(8)(B)(i)(II), no faculty members that have a high chance of coming into contact with
victims or perpetrators of sexual assault, with the exception of those conducting hearings, are
specifically referenced for training.
231
. See supra notes 227–28 and accompanying text (describing the specialized training
requirement for those conducting adjudicatory proceedings as a positive aspect of the Campus
SaVE Act).
232
. SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 30; see KILPATRICK ET AL., supra note 1, at 62–63
(suggesting that law enforcement culture be more supportive of victims and more understanding
of their special concerns by ensuring law enforcement officers have accurate information about
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Additionally, although it is positive that the Campus SaVE Act now
gives the Department of Education the ability to levy fines against
schools that have violated students’ rights,
233
it is essential to ensure
that real sanctions are continuously developed because colleges and
universities rarely face real penalties for not meeting their
responsibilities.
234
For example, in 2012, the OCR admitted that Yale
University had been violating Title IX for years, but it refused to risk
controversy by making an official federal finding of non-compliance,
denying federal funding, or referring the case to the Department of
Justice.
235
Instead, the school reached the previously discussed
settlement and continues to face criticism from students.
236
Moreover, the Campus SaVE Act does not adequately address the
relationship between schools and law enforcement agencies.
Collaboration between law enforcement agencies and colleges can
better serve victims, but less than 25% of schools actually have written
all forms of sexual assault—in addition, this education should be provided to a variety of target
audiences in order to reduce stigma and increase support for victims). Furthermore, it is essential
that those on the hearing committees have training in hearing rape cases. Students have
expressed their view that it is insulting for assault victims to have the same individuals who make
decisions on cases of plagiarism or underage drinking make decisions about rape. See RAPHAEL,
supra note 1, at 182 (citing Alyssa Colby et al., supra note 126) (asking Wheaton College to
change its existing sexual assault policies and procedures).
233
. Dunn Testimony, supra note 224 (discussing the intermediate sanctions available in the
Clery Act); see also supra note 224 and accompanying text (discussing the option to fine schools
under the Clery Act).
234
. See, e.g., Bolger & Brodsky Testimony, supra note 224 (stating that the National
Institute of Justice estimates that while 63% of colleges do not meet their legal duties, none have
ever faced serious repercussions); Amelia Thompson-Deveaux, Promises Aren’t Enough to Deter
Campus Sexual Assault, AM. PROSPECT (Aug. 12, 2013), http://prospect.org/article/promises-
arent-enough-end-campus-sexual-assault (questioning whether amicable agreements between the
Department of Education and schools are actually effective in getting schools to change their
policies); see also Shapiro, supra note 72 (stating that the Department of Education ruled against
five universities out of twenty-four complaints between 1998 and 2008, but did not mete out any
punishments, and instead merely gave guidance on how to improve campus procedures).
235
. Bolger & Brodsky Testimony, supra note 224 (discussing the OCR complaint filed
against Yale University); see also Thompson-Deveaux, supra note 234 (criticizing the agreement
between Yale and the Department of Education); supra notes 80–82 and accompanying text.
236
. See supra note 82 and accompanying text (questioning the efficacy of Yale’s voluntary
resolution); see also Culp-Ressler, supra note 66 (discussing the criticism Yale has received for
its response to sexual assault following its voluntary resolution with the Department of
Education). It should be noted that in 2011, Yale did face a $155,000 fine for violations of the
Clery Act dating back to 2001. Letter from Mary E. Gust, U.S. Dep’t of Educ., to Dorothy
Robinson, Yale Univ. (July 9, 2013), available at http://studentaid.ed.gov/sites
/default/files/fsawg/datacenter/cleryact/yale/1481_001.pdf. However, many critics note that this
fine is quite small in comparison to the financial status of the University. See Bolger & Brodsky
Testimony, supra note 224 (noting the fine is less than one student’s tuition); Thompson-
Deveaux, supra note 234 (comparing the $155,000 fine to Yale’s endowment of $19 billion).
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protocols for such cooperation.
237
In the case at Marquette University,
campus officials actually actively discouraged the student from
reporting the rape to law enforcement.
238
The Campus SaVE Act
begins to address this by requiring students to be more informed about
their option to notify law enforcement of a sexual assault,
239
but it is
important to ensure that schools do not discourage students from doing
so while informing them of this option.
240
Finally, one of the problematic deficiencies of the Campus SaVE Act
is that it fails to change the outcome of the risk-balance test colleges
inevitably undertake when they avoid adequately addressing sexual
assault reports. While the preventative program policy requirements
can help reduce the occurrence of sexual assault on college campuses if
implemented correctly, education cannot stop a predatory rapist.
241
Colleges and universities must create procedures that treat sexual
assault as the serious crime it is rather than discourage reporting to
schools and law enforcement.
242
It is easy for colleges to ignore the
problem if students do not report instances of assault.
243
Currently,
237
. KARJANE ET AL., supra note 125, at 113–14; see also Sampson, supra note 1, at 29
(recommending that college prevention programs involve training for police as involvement of
law enforcement can help assure students that colleges take acquaintance rape seriously).
238
. See supra Part I.D.2 (discussing how Marquette campus security told victims that law
enforcement would not investigate these assaults).
239
. 20 U.S.C.A. § 1092(f)(8)(B)(iii)(III) (West 2013); see also New Requirements Imposed
by the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act, supra note 87, at 2–3.
240
. See supra Part I.D.2 (discussing how campus security discouraged victims from
reporting sexual assaults to local law enforcement despite a Wisconsin state law mandating they
do so); see also Lauerman, supra note 130 (reporting that in a case at Occidental College, school
officials told the victim that the assailant would not be expelled if found responsible by the school
and that she should not go to the police).
241
. See, e.g., Fisher et al., supra note 125 (stating that restorative justice is especially not a
cure for serious victimizations such as rape); Lombardi, supra note 78 (questioning college
officials’ assertions that schools should not punish students, but teach them when they find a
student guilty of sexual assault). Research has found that college rapists are often repeat
offenders. See Lisak, supra note 214, at 7 (finding that college rapists are “as likely to be serial
and multi-faceted offenders as are incarcerated rapists”). Experts stress that colleges cannot teach
these individuals not to rape. See RAPHAEL, supra note 1, at 182; Shapiro, Rape Myths, supra
note 214 (quoting David Lisak’s argument that these individuals are predators who need more
than education).
242
. See RAPHAEL, supra note 1, at 182 (arguing that if schools treat acquaintance rape as a
serious crime rather than an alcohol-fueled miscommunication, they can help eliminate it); see
also Jones, supra note 76 (‘“The message [schools] are sending to victims is that sexual assault is
not something they take seriously.”‘ (quoting survivor advocate Laura Dunn)); Kelley, supra note
64 (“In Sept [sic] I’m returning to a campus where, just like when I was a freshman, rape is
addressed with ‘written reprimands.’” (quoting a tweet from survivor advocate Alexandra
Brodsky)).
243
. See, e.g., FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 23 (detailing victims’ reasons for not reporting,
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1236 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
colleges not only discourage reporting, but also avoid drawing attention
to the problem by failing to adequately address sexual assault in
educational programming.
244
Hopefully, the recent increase in complaints
245
indicates a change in
students’ knowledge about their rights and remedies. However, it
should not be up to students and student activists to ensure their schools
are protecting them because schools are obligated under federal law to
maintain safe and equal learning environments for everyone.
246
The
Campus SaVE Act does not go far enough to ensure colleges take
seriously the requirements for mandatory preventative services and
prompt and equitable adjudication of complaints.
IV. PROPOSAL
This Part will make several proposals for how the Campus SaVE Act
should be implemented in order to ensure that its positive attributes are
successful and that any weaknesses are addressed. In doing so, this Part
will make recommendations to the Department of Education as well as
colleges and universities in implementing the Campus SaVE Act. This
Part will also discuss any remaining issues involved in campus sexual
violence that need to be addressed by schools or the federal
government.
The Department of Education is still undergoing the rulemaking
process for the implementation of the Campus SaVE Act.
247
The Act’s
positive factors discussed above will only be successful if implemented
properly.
248
Following the guidelines below will ensure successful
which included hostility by law enforcement and the victims’ fear that police would not take the
issue seriously); Fisher et al., supra note 125, at 233–35 (arguing that a potential barrier to
reporting crimes on campus is the perceived ineffectiveness of campus judiciary systems); see
also Kitchener, supra note 66 (“It’s easy for colleges to forget about these silent women because
they’re not making any noise.”).
244
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 220 (arguing that colleges both passively and actively
discourage victim reporting to avoid drawing attention to the issue ); see also KILPATRICK ET AL.,
supra note 1, at 62 (arguing that public education efforts can help remedy the barrier to rape
reporting).
245
. See supra note 76 (referencing the increased number of complaints to the Department of
Education about how colleges and universities are handling reports of sexual assault).
246
. RAPHAEL, supra note 1, at 182; see Bolger & Brodsky Testimony, supra note 224
(noting that students should not have to be responsible for bringing schools’ inadequate responses
to the government’s attention).
247
. See Regulatory Issues, 78 Fed. Reg. 22467, 22467–68 (proposed Apr. 16, 2013)
(announcing rulemakings pertaining to changes made to the campus safety and security
requirements by the reauthorization of VAWA); see also VAWA Amendments to Clery/Campus
SaVE, supra note 173.
248
. See LYNN MAHAFFIE, FED. STUDENT AID, IMPLEMENTATION OF CHANGES MADE TO
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implementation.
For instance, schools’ policies must be easy to find and easy to
understand. One study showed that students have difficulty accessing
or understanding their campus policy because the language is
confusing.
249
The basic requirement of the Campus SaVE Act is that
schools disclose policies to students before and after sexual assaults are
reported.
250
Schools should work with pre-existing groups of advocates
and victim service providers in developing these policies and
procedures as these types of coalitions have experience working with all
relevant stakeholders and knowledge of various substantive models.
251
If implementation is a collaborative relationship between institutions
and programs in the surrounding areas, schools and students will be
better informed—and the community as a whole will be better
prepared—to address the issue of sexual violence.
252
Furthermore,
although budget problems will be a consistent issue in implementing
educational programs, training faculty and staff to properly address the
THE CLERY ACT BY THE VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN REAUTHORIZATION ACT OF 2013 (2013),
available at http://www.ifap.ed.gov/eannouncements/052913ImplementofChangesMade2Clery
ActViolenceAgainstWomenReauthorizationAct2013.html (noting that interested parties can
“comment on topics for negotiation suggested by the Department [of Education]”); see also
Martha Kanter, Under Sec’y, U.S. Dep’t of Educ., Statement at the Hearing Before the U.S.
Department of Education Office of Postsecondary Education (May 21, 2013), available at
http://www2.ed.gov/policy/highered/reg/hearulemaking/2012/transcript-dc052113.pdf (stating
that the U.S. Department of Education uses public hearings to begin conversations about higher
education, and noting the Department’s intention to develop new regulations under VAWA).
249
. EMILY GREYTAK, STUDENTS ACTIVE FOR ENDING RAPE, MOVING BEYOND BLUE
LIGHTS AND BUDDY SYSTEMS: A NATIONAL STUDY OF STUDENT ANTI-RAPE ACTIVISTS 22
(2013), available at http://safercampus.org/userfiles/file/NASummaryReport.pdf.
250
. See The Campus Sexual Violence Elimination (SaVE) Act, supra note 188 (discussing
how the Campus SaVE Act improves transparency by requiring colleges to disperse information
regarding victims’ rights to victims); Understanding the Campus SaVE Act, supra note 178
(stating how the Campus SaVE Act primarily improves transparency for victims by improving
the complaint process).
251
. See Kim Gandy, President & CEO, Nat’l Network to End Domestic Violence, Statement
at the Hearing Before the U.S. Department of Education Office of Postsecondary Education (May
21, 2013) [hereinafter Gandy Testimony], available at http://www2.ed.gov/policy/
highered/reg/hearulemaking/2012/transcript-dc052113.pdf. Outside organizations can help with
policy development as several already have existing policy examples. See Anne Hedgepeth, Am.
Assoc. of Univ. Women, Statement at the Hearing Before the U.S. Department of Education
Office of Postsecondary Education (May 21, 2013) [hereinafter Hedgepeth Testimony], available
at http://www2.ed.gov/policy/highered/reg/hearulemaking/2012/transcript-dc052113.pdf (citing
the American Association of University Women (“AAUW”), Students Active for Ending Rape
(“SAFER”), and the Department of Education’s own work for best practices in addressing sexual
violence).
252
. See id. (noting that the work and ideas of already existing organizations working to stop
violence against women are essential to the success of the Campus SaVE Act).
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1238 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
problem, and implementing strong investigative and adjudicative
procedures by working with established outside agencies and
organizations, can help ease the financial burden on schools.
253
Additionally, there are several ways to improve the Campus SaVE
Act’s preventative educational programming requirements to ensure
success. First, program evaluations must be implemented in order to
ensure that the programs are working.
254
A lack of follow-up
assessment is one of the primary weaknesses of most college rape-
prevention programs.
255
Accurate program evaluation can also help
programs have community flexibility, which is necessary because the
type of institution, audience, and community involved will have an
effect on the success of a program.
256
Furthermore, gender-specific programming can help proactive
educational programming be successful, as mixed-gender programs
have shown “uneven results in changing rape-supportive attitudes.”
257
Allowing for gender-specific programs can remove the fear of
253
. Boyer Testimony, supra note 213 (discussing how guidance and collaboration with
outside organizations can help ease the development of new policies and procedures in a manner
consistent with the individual needs of the institution); Gandy Testimony, supra note 251
(discussing the benefits of colleges and universities working with coalitions to develop new
policies and protocols).
254
. See SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 26 (stating that a lack of follow-up assessment is one of
the biggest weaknesses of current college rape prevention programs); Responses to the Problem
of Acquaintance Rape of College Students, CENTER FOR PROBLEM-ORIENTED POLICING,
http://www.popcenter.org/problems/rape/4 (last visited Feb. 26, 2013) (recommending follow-up
evaluations for all rape prevention programs).
255
. See supra note 214 (comparing views of those who believe education programs cannot
effectively teach students to not commit sexual assault with those who do believe such programs
can make a difference).
256
. See S. Daniel Carter, Dir. of 32 Nat’l Campus Initiative/VTV Family Outreach Found.,
Statement at the Hearing Before the U.S. Department of Education Office of Postsecondary
Education (May 21, 2013) [hereinafter Carter Testimony], available at
http://www2.ed.gov/policy/highered/reg/hearulemaking/2012/transcript-dc052113.pdf (stating
that prevention initiatives should be geared toward type of institution, audience, and community);
see also Boyer Testimony, supra note 213 (noting that institutions vary in size, geography, and
demographics, all of which should be taken into consideration when determining policy changes).
257
. SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 26; see also Elizabeth Armstrong et al., Sexual Assault on
Campus: A Multilevel, Integrative Approach to Party Rape, 53 SOC. PROBS. 483, 496 (2006)
(suggesting emphasis should move from educating women in prevention to educating both men
and women about the “coercive behavior of men and the sources of victim-blaming”). When
considering gender-specific programming, it is necessary to remember that not all victims of
sexual assault are women and not all perpetrators are men. See SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 8
(noting that, although college women are raped at higher rates than men, men are more likely to
report experiencing unwanted kissing or fondling). Sampson also notes that when college men
are raped, it is usually by other men. Id. Therefore, any consideration of gender-specific
programing should keep in mind that groups will have both victims and offenders and therefore,
the programming should include materials for both.
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discussing rape in front of peers of the opposite sex and can allow
groups to address gender-specific issues.
258
Because one of the most-
cited reasons for not reporting a sexual assault is that the victim did not
think the assault was serious enough to report or that it was not clear if a
crime had been committed,
259
educating women on the definitions of
consent and rape can help them recognize when an assault is occurring
or has occurred.
260
Furthermore, because college rapists often blame
alcohol for their conduct,
261
educating men about the effect of alcohol
on perception and denying them the ability to use intoxication as a
justification upfront and in a strong, consistent manner might help hold
them accountable.
262
Finally, because the Campus SaVE Act does not
mandate enough training for specific faculty and staff at universities,
263
the rulemaking process and the development of policy by colleges and
universities should emphasize that educational programming must
address training of campus administrators, staff, and faculty—especially
those who are likely to encounter victims and offenders.
264
Educational programming will not be enough to stop sexual violence
on college campuses. Currently, by not holding offenders accountable,
colleges and universities are harboring predatory rapists.
265
Holding
258
. Id. at 26.
259
. FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 23–26 ex.12 (discussing victims’ stated reasons for not
reporting their victimizations to law enforcement officials); see also KILPATRICK ET AL., supra
note 1, at 47–48 exs.41 & 42 (discussing the major barriers to reporting identified by women).
260
. See Lauerman, supra note 130 (discussing how survivor advocate Carly Mee felt guilty
after she was raped and that she had received little education about sexual assault and did not
understand what it meant to give consent).
261
. See, e.g., Abbey, supra note 218 (stating 62% of college date rapists felt they committed
the rape because they were intoxicated); see also SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 16 (finding some
men use alcohol as a justification or excuse for raping).
262
. SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 27 (discussing what should be taught to men in rape
prevention programs); Amanda Hess, To Prevent Rape on College Campuses, Focus on the
Rapists, Not the Victims, SLATE (Oct. 16, 2013), http://www.slate.com/blogs
/xx_factor/2013/10/16/it_s_the_rapists_not_the_drinking_to_prevent_sexual_assault_on_college
_campuses.html (arguing that colleges will likely be unsuccessful in getting students to drink less,
but that they could deter male students from committing sexual assault by establishing increased
consequences ).
263
. See supra text accompanying notes 228–240 (discussing how the Campus SaVE Act
does not mandate enough training for faculty and staff at universities).
264
. See SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 30 (discussing rape prevention programs for key campus
personnel); Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 221–22 (stating that the majority of professionals on the
front lines do not have adequate knowledge about campus peer sexual violence).
265
. See Lisak, supra note 214, at 8 (arguing that prevention efforts persuading men not to
rape are unlikely to be effective); see also Lombardi, supra note 78 (“Schools that overlook this
paradigm [(that sexual offenders on college campuses are predators)] are failing their female
students. . . . Giving someone a deferred suspension is like giving someone carte blanche to do it
again.” (quoting Colby Bruno, managing attorney at the Victim Rights Law Center)).
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1240 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
individuals found responsible for rape accountable, preparing
bystanders to intervene, and ensuring rapists are not able to harm other
students is a form of rape prevention.
266
Investigative and adjudicative
procedures post-violence must be “prompt, fair, and impartial” to ensure
victims receive justice and other students are protected from sexual
offenders. The regulations should specify that the burden of proof in
these cases is a preponderance of the evidence, as required by the 2011
“Dear Colleague” letter.
267
Furthermore, adequate consequences must be enforced after finding
students responsible for sexual assault. While debate exists over
whether or not colleges can actually rehabilitate sexually offending
students,
268
light punishments such as written reprimands are not
adequate.
269
Because of the risk of reoffending, expulsion should be the
recommended sanction, but schools should always consult the victim
first.
270
Implementing these procedures will be difficult given the
desire schools have to avoid knowledge or need to report sexual
victimization on their campuses.
271
Representatives from law
enforcement, advocacy, prosecution, medical, and social services can
266
. In a recent case at Occidental College, three female students reported being assaulted by
the same male peer. See Lauerman, supra note 130 (describing the cases leading to a formal
complaint against the school with the Department of Education). Although the student was found
responsible and initially expelled, he was allowed to return to the school after appealing the
decision. Id. One victim stated that she can no longer go back to the school with the perpetrator
there and highlighted the risk to others of permitting him back on campus. Id.
267
. See DEAR COLLEAGUE LETTER, supra note 32, at 10–11 (stating that the OCR reviews a
school’s procedures to determine whether the school is using a preponderance of the evidence
standard in its adjudications); see also Carter Testimony, supra note 256 (recommending the
regulations explain the burden of proof as the preponderance of the evidence standard, therefore
avoiding an inconsistency with the OCR).
268
. See supra note 214 (discussing different expert opinions on sexual offending college
men).
269
. See Kitchener, supra note 66 (referencing the recent punishments at Yale University);
see also Kingkade, Yale, supra note 63 (referencing Yale, University of Colorado-Boulder, and
Occidental College as schools where offenders were assigned writing-based punishments).
270
. See Kitchener, supra note 66 (suggesting that victims should be consulted when
determining the sanction because a severe sanction, such as expulsion, might also deter victims
from coming forward due to fear of retaliation). However, research supports the assertion that
some college rapists are serial rapists. E.g., Lisak, supra note 214, at 4–5. Therefore allowing
those students to remain on campus is dangerous to victims and all other students. See Lombardi,
supra note 78 (explaining that many advocates believe that allowing a perpetrator to remain on
campus is like giving him permission to rape again); see also Lauerman, supra note 130 (noting
how victims fear for themselves and others when the offender remains on campus).
271
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 219–20 (discussing how colleges suddenly look like
they have a serious crime problem if victims report, creating an incentive to avoid knowledge);
see also supra text accompanying notes 241–244 (discussing the risk-balance test undertaken by
colleges and universities in avoiding knowledge of sexual assaults).
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train campus personnel responsible for developing these policies and
carrying out campus adjudications.
272
Additionally, there should be a joint task force in the Department of
Education to review complaints under both Title IX and the Clery
Act.
273
The complaint process for administrative enforcement of Title
IX through the OCR is confusing, difficult to maneuver, and not well
publicized.
274
Furthermore, activists criticize how much students have
to do in order for the government to enforce their rights.
275
A joint
process would ensure consistent and thorough reviews by the
Department of Education and maximize the Department’s
resources
276
—a necessity given the increased number of complaints.
277
A joint task force can help ensure review is complete and thorough and
that proper sanctions are implemented.
Finally, the law must find a way to encourage students to come
forward so schools are forced to address this issue. The most
challenging aspect of protecting college students from sexual assault is
that schools are not sufficiently incentivized to address the problem.
278
Achieving accurate statistics about sexual assault at every individual
school might empower students to come forward and report sexual
assaults, allowing schools to address their complaints and catch
offenders.
279
Therefore, schools must change their approach to
272
. See Caroline Palmer, Staff Attorney, Minn. Coal. Against Sexual Assault, Statement at
the Hearing Before the U.S. Department of Education Office of Postsecondary Education (May
21, 2013), available at http://www2.ed.gov/policy/highered/reg/hearulemaking/2012/transcript-
mn052313.pdf (discussing how multidisciplinary Sexual Assault Response Teams (“SARTs”) can
help protect students by providing a nexus between the campus process and criminal justice
response); see also Gandy Testimony, supra note 251 (discussing the need for interdisciplinary
cooperation to provide services to students so all of their needs are met).
273
. See Dunn Testimony, supra note 224 (suggesting a joint task force and describing how it
would function).
274
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 236 (discussing issues with the complaint procedure for
administrative enforcement of Title IX); see also supra Part I.B.2 (addressing issues with the
OCR complaint process).
275
. Bolger & Brodsky testimony, supra note 224 (criticizing governmental reliance on
students to bring official federal complaints and asserting that the government should take the
initiative); see RAPHAEL, supra note 1, at 182 (noting that federal law mandates that schools
protect their students). If the Department of Education does not take the initiative to enforce
these federal laws, it will be failing students.
276
. Dunn Testimony, supra note 224 (explaining her idea for a joint task force).
277
. See supra note 76 (describing how the number of Title IX complaints are on the rise).
278
. See supra text accompanying notes 241–244 (discussing the risk-balance test undertaken
by colleges and universities in avoiding knowledge of sexual assaults). See generally Cantalupo,
supra note 29 (analyzing this risk-balance test and discussing possible solutions).
279
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 259–60 (arguing that if schools have accurate statistics
about their sexual assault problems, they can no longer avoid knowledge of it and hide behind
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1242 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 45
collecting information about sexual assault, such as through
standardized surveys.
280
However, the most successful way to improve
reporting of sexual assault would be to change the conversation about
rape in our society.
281
Honestly confronting why rape exists, and
highlighting initiatives such as Know Your IX
282
are needed in order to
empower students to come forward.
CONCLUSION
The high prevalence of rape on college campuses and the failure of
colleges and universities to protect their students requires the
involvement of the federal government to ensure all students have
access to a safe education, free from any form of sexual violence.
Although the Campus SaVE Act is a step forward, more can and must
be done. Schools must take comprehensive, proactive approaches to
stop sexual violence on their campuses, rather than fear what addressing
the topic will do to their public image. Appropriate steps include
recognizing that sexual violence is a pervasive problem on college
low-reporting); see also Shapiro, supra note 72 (discussing how Security on Campus awarded a
member of the campus police department at UCLA for creating a place where women felt
comfortable reporting assaults despite UCLA having a high number of sexual assaults for a
school its size).
280
. See Cantalupo, supra note 29, at 259–61 (proposing ideas for such a survey). All of the
prevalence research used in this Comment utilized similar surveys. See generally FISHER ET AL.,
supra note 1, at 4–14 (discussing how sexual victimization was measured).
281
. See Hess, supra note 262 (arguing that blaming victims for their victimization by
focusing on their condition at the time of the assault leaves them with feelings of shame and guilt,
making them unlikely to report the rape). Although it is true that intoxication and sexual assault
are linked, e.g., FISHER ET AL., supra note 1, at 23; SAMPSON, supra note 1, at 14, it is
historically entrenched power imbalances that are more to blame. See Alexandra Brodsky, Blame
Rape’s Enablers Not the Victims, Room for Debate: Young Women Drinking and Rape, N.Y.
TIMES, Oct. 23, 2013, http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2013/10/23/young-women-
drinking-and-rape/blame-rapes-enablers-not-the-victims (arguing that victim blaming only hides
the real societal problem); see also Smith, supra note 219 (arguing that blaming victims occurs
because it is easier than confronting society’s issues). Additionally, President Obama has
attempted to increase awareness about campus rape. Jackie Calmes, Obama Seeks to Raise
Awareness of Rape on Campus, N.Y. TIMES, Jan. 22, 2014, http://www.nytimes.com
/2014/01/23/us/politics/obama-to-create-task-force-on-campus-sexual-assaults.html?_r=0. On
January 22, 2014, President Obama created the White House Task Force to Protect Students from
Sexual Assault, recognizing the need for improved interagency collaboration on this issue. THE
WHITE HOUSE COUNCIL ON WOMEN & GIRLS, RAPE AND SEXUAL ASSAULT: A RENEWED CALL
TO ACTION 26 (2014), available at http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/docs
/sexual_assault_report_1-21-14.pdf.
282
. KNOW YOUR IX, http://www.knowyourix.org (last visited Feb. 26, 2014). Know Your
IX is a campaign built by a large collective of survivor advocates and aims to educate college
students about their rights under Title IX. About KYIX, KNOW YOUR IX, http://knowyourix.org
/about-ky9/ (last visited Apr. 2, 2014).
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campuses and addressing society’s deeply imbedded power imbalances
along the lines of gender. Furthermore, schools must take strong and
decisive steps in addressing reports of sexual assault when they are
made. Rather than harbor rapists, colleges and universities must
thoroughly investigate reports and adequately discipline offenders. This
form of rape prevention will protect other students from offenders. A
failure to recognize rape as a problem and take steps to address it will
deny students their right to a safe and equal education.
