505 Naaman (Commander of the Aramean Army)
Naaman (Commander of the
Aramean Army)
I. Hebrew Bible/Old Testament
II. New Testament
III. Judaism
IV. Christianity
V. Literature
VI. Visual Arts
VII. Music
I. Hebrew Bible/Old Testament
Naaman appears in 2 Kgs 5 as the chief of the Ara-
mean army, who is healed from his skin disease by
the Prophet Elisha. After his healing, Naaman rec-
ognizes the superiority of the god of Israel and
pledges himself to YHWH. Second Kings 5 is part
of the Elisha cycle that was introduced into the
books of Kings in a late stage (McKenzie). The au-
thor of 2 Kgs 5 is apparently aware of older tradi-
tions which cast Elisha as a miracle worker, but also
of narratives about military conflicts between Ara-
means and Israel, especially 2 Kgs 7 and 2 Kgs 8.
The author uses these narratives, taking up motifs
and literary expressions in order to create a story
with another political and theological perspective
(Römer). The author of 2 Kgs 5 uses the name Naa-
man (the “pleasant one,” see “Naaman I. Introduc-
tion”) perhaps to describe how attractive he was be-
fore he became “leprous” (this term used in many
translations is inappropriate; the Hebrew expres-
sion designates psoriasis or more generally different
kinds of scale diseases). As a commander of the
army, Naaman is one of the most important persons
in the court; his healing is initiated by an Israelite
girl, whom he has captured, and who serves his
wife. The encounter between Naaman and Elisha
starts with Naaman’s dissatisfaction about Elisha’s
instructions for healing. Naaman is disappointed
that Elisha does not perform some ritual or exor-
cism. Naaman’s servants convince their reluctant
master to wash in the waters of the Jordan river.
After he is healed, Naaman returns to Elisha and
confesses: “Now I know that there is no god on all
the earth except in Israel” (2 Kgs 5:15). This “mono-
theistic” statement has often been understood in
the sense that Naaman has become a “proselyte”
(Schult; Cogan/Tadmor). But, with his confession,
Naaman does not integrate into Israel or the “peo-
ple of YHWH,” instead he returns to Damascus. He
is thus presented as a foreigner who worships the
god of Israel (Haarmann). This narrative may keep
some memory that YHWH was also worshipped in
some Aramaic regions in the 9th or 8th century BCE
(Dalley; Wazana). Therefore, 2 Kgs 5 can be under-
stood as a late non-Deuteronomistic etiology of an
Aramaean YHWH veneration. The author, however,
probably wrote in the Persian period (Haarmann;
McKenzie). Namaan’s confession that YHWH is the
only god is formulated in a monotheistic way, but
506
also maintains the idea that the only place where
this god can be worshipped adequately is the land
of Israel.
Bibliography:
Cogan, M./H. Tadmor, 2 Kings: A New Trans-
lation (AB 11; New York 1988).
Dalley, S., “Yahweh in
Hamath in the 8th Century BC: Cuneiform Material and
Historical Deductions,” VT 40.1 (1990) 21–32.
Haar-
mann, V., JHWH-Verehrer der Völker: die Hinwendung von Nicht-
israeliten zum Gott Israels in alttestamentlichen Überlieferungen
(AThANT 91; Zurich 2008).
McKenzie, S. L., 1 Kings 16–2
Kings 16 (IECOT; Stuttgart 2018).
Römer, T., “The
Strange Conversion of Naaman, Chief of the Aramean
Army,” in Research on Israel and Aram: Autonomy, Independence
and Related Issues. Proceedings of the First Annual RIAB Center
Conference, Leipzig, June 2016 (ed. A. Berlejung/A. M. Maeir;
Research on Israel and Aram in Biblical Times 1; Tübingen
2019) 105–19.
Schöpflin, K., “Naaman: Seine Heilung
und Bekehrung im Alten und Neuen Testament,” BN 141
(2009) 35–56.
Schult, H., “Naemans Übertritt zum Yah-
wismus (2 Könige 5,1–19a) und die biblischen Bekehrungs-
geschichten,” DBAT 9 (1975) 2–20.
Wazana, N., “Ahaz
and the Altar from Damascus (2 Kings 16:10–16): Literary,
Theological, and Historical-Political Considerations,” in In
Search for Aram and Israel (ed. O. Sergi et al.; ORA 20; Tü-
bingen 2016) 379–400.
Thomas Römer
II. New Testament
The name Naaman is mentioned one time in the NT
in Luke 4:27. The verse is part of Jesus’s program-
matic inaugural speech in Nazareth (Luke 4:16–30),
in which Jesus interprets his identity and ministry
through a (combined) citation from Isa 61:1–2 and
58:6 (Luke 4:18–19), two aphorisms (Luke 4:23–24),
and two examples of the prophets Elijah and Elisha
(Luke 4:25–27). In the second example, Jesus refers
to Elisha’s cleansing of the Syrian Naaman, even
though there were many lepers in Israel. This exam-
ple alludes to 2 Kgs 5:1–14, where Elisha com-
mands Naaman, the commander of the army of the
king of Aram, to wash himself in the Jordan seven
times to be cured from skin disease traditionally
translated as leprosy. The reference to Elisha fore-
shadows Jesus’s own healings of lepers (Luke 5:12–
13; 7:22; 17:12–19).
Bibliography:
Albertz, A., “Die ‘Antrittspredigt’ Jesu im
Lukasevangelium auf ihrem alttestamentlichen Hinter-
grund,” ZNW 74 (1983) 182–206.
Busse, U., Das Nazareth-
Manifest: Eine Einführung in das lukanische Jesusbild nach Lk 4,16-
30 (SBS 91; Stuttgart 1978).
Mariottini, C., “NAAMAN,”
NIDB 4 (Nashville, TN 2009) 199–200.
Siker, J. S., “First
to the Gentiles’: A Literary Analysis of Luke 4:16-30,” JBL
111 (1992) 73–90.
Wolter, M., Das Lukasevangelium (HNT
5; Tübingen 2008) 188–99.
Clarissa Paul
III. Judaism
A Jewish tradition taken up by Josephus identifies
the unnamed archer who drew his bow against King
Ahab (1 Kgs 22:34) with Naaman (Ant. 8.15.5; see
also MidTeh 78:11). In the Talmud Naaman, be-
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507 Naaman (Commander of the Aramean Army)
cause of his skin disease, is paralleled with Miriam
and serves as a starting point for rabbinic discus-
sions about leprosy (Weissenrieder: 173–74). In
bSan 47a Elisha’s healing of Naaman is paralleled
with the resurrection of a man whose corpse
touched the bones of the prophet (2 Kgs 13:20–21).
According to R. Johanan “[Elisha] healed Naaman of
his leprosy, which is equal to death, as it is written:
‘let her not be as one dead’ [Num 12:12].” Contrary
to some modern scholars, who consider Naaman as
a proselyte (see above), the rabbis, who considered
Jethro and Rahab as examples of proselytes, called
Naaman a “ger toshav,” a “righteous gentile” (bGit
57b; bSan 96b). Naaman is mentioned in bSan 74b,
a discussion about whether Noahides, or righteous
gentiles, are obligated to sanctify God’s name. But
since in Naaman’s case the event took place in
private and not in public, no conclusion can be
drawn and the matter is left unresolved (Haar-
mann: 167–69).
Bibliography:
Haarmann, V., JHWH-Verehrer der Völker: Die
Hinwendung von Nichtisraeliten zum Gott Israels in alttestamentli-
chen Überlieferungen (AThANT 91; Zurich 2008).
Weissen-
rieder, A., Images of Illness in the Gospel of Luke (WUNT 164;
Tübingen 2003).
Thomas Römer
IV. Christianity
Patristic exegetes commented frequently on the fig-
ure of Naaman and his surrounding storyline. De-
spite acknowledging him as someone who was great
before his master and before the Lord (see Ephrem
the Syrian, On the Second Book of Kings on 2 Kgs 5:1,
several commentators highlight Naaman’s initial
doubt in the face of possible healing. Chrysostom in
two places (Hom. Jo. 56.2; Hom. Matt. 31.1) mentions
the lack of faith the dullness that Naaman ex-
hibits upon first hearing the command to go wash
in the Jordan river. Origen points out the error that
Naaman makes downplaying the mystical healing
powers of the Jordan (Comm. Jo. 6.28). And Ambrose
mentions Naaman’s initial lack of obedience to Eli-
sha’s command (Myst. 3.17).
Conversely, Ambrose in the same text asserts
that Naaman, once he is convinced by his servants
to dip seven times, realizes that he has been healed
by grace (and not of the waters themselves; Myst.
3.17). Likewise, several commentators consider Naa-
man’s washing a prefigurement of baptism. Ire-
naeus remarks that Naaman’s skin disorder is repre-
sentative of sin, and that the physical washing is
representative of spiritual regeneration (via physical
water and divine power; frg. 34 [ANF 1:574]; cf.
Ephrem, Hymns for the Feast of the Epiphany 5.6
[NPNF² 13:272]; Chrysostom, Hom. Jo. 26.2; Gregory
of Nyssa, In baptismum Christi). Tertullian goes so far
as to say that Naaman’s washing symbolizes the
possibility of the cleansing of the nations along
with the seven deadly sins (Marc. 4.9). Several com-
508
mentators point out, too, the lack of faith sustained
by native Israelites on one hand, and the ultimately
rewarded faith of a foreigner on the other (Tertul-
lian, Marc. 4.35; Chrysostom, Hom. Matt. 48.1).
Cyril of Jerusalem comments that Naaman’s ail-
ment is transferred to Gehazi for the sin Gehazi
commits (Catecheses 16.17); and Ambrose uses the
Naaman story to demonstrate the fact that seem-
ingly impossible things (i.e., the cleansing of skin
diseases via washing) are possible with God (Paen.
2.12).
Later Christian writers contribute opinions that
both differ from and overlap with those of their in-
terpreting predecessors. Thomas Aquinas says that
Naaman’s servants (curiously) call Naaman “father”
(2 Kgs 5:13) due to the various father-like roles he
takes on as commander (Summa theologiae II–II q.
102 a. 1). Lucas Osiander comments that while the
servants initially demonstrate better judgment than
Naaman, Naaman eventually humbles himself and
listens to their good advice (Annotations on 2 Kings on
2 Kgs 5:1–7; on Naaman’s humility, see John Mayer,
Commentary on 2 Kings on 2 Kgs 5:14b–15). Francois
Lambert points out that God bestows mercy and
grace upon those who “fear his will,” regardless of
nationality (In Divi Lucae evangelium commentarii on
Luke 4:24–27). And Johannes Piscator comments
that Naaman’s disease actually leads him to salva-
tion, and as such is not a sign of disfavor (Commen-
tary on 2 Kings on 2 Kgs 5:14b–15).
On the theme of washing, Johannes Bugenha-
gen notes that Naaman was cleansed because he be-
lieved in the promise, not just the water (Commen-
tary on 2 Kings on 2 Kgs 5:8–14a). Peter Martyr
Vermigli thinks that while Naaman’s washing may
prefigure baptism, it differs with baptism because
there are multiple dips (Commentary on 2 Kings on
2 Kgs 5:8–14a). And Benedict Aretius contends that
as Naaman was physically healed by Elisha, Chris-
tians are spiritually healed by Jesus (Common Places
of the Christian Religion [1617]).
Bibliography:
Conti, M./G. Pilara (eds.), 1–2 Kings, 1–2
Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther (ACCS.OT 5; Downers
Grove, IL 2008).
Cooper, D./M. J. Lohrmann (eds.), 1–
2 Samuel, 1–2 Kings, 1–2 Chronicles (Reformation Commentary
on Scripture: Old Testament 5; Downers Grove, IL 2016).
Just, A. A. (ed.), Luke (ACCS.NT 3; Downers Grove, IL
2005).
Kreitzer, B. (ed.), Luke (Reformation Commentary
on Scripture: New Testament 3; Downers Grove, IL 2015).
Eric Zito
V. Literature
Naaman as the Syrian general healed of leprosy by
Elisha in 2 Kgs 5:9–6:14 features sporadically in lit-
erature. The healing is dramatized in the Lille, Cas-
tilian and two Dutch mystery cycles of the late-me-
dieval period (Muir: 81). Naaman also appears in the
early-17th century Stonyhurst pageants, in the play
Naaman, translated from the Terentian Latin play
(1581) of Cornelius Schonaeus, and also in a number
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509 Naaman (Commander of the Aramean Army)
of early 20th-century American plays, including
Mary Ellen Whitney’s Naaman the Leper (1927) (cf.
Coleman: 73–74).
In Anthony Trollope’s novel Barchester Towers
(1857), the character Francis Arabin faces the choi-
ces presented by the ecclesiastical politics of the Vic-
torian period through the prism of the passage from
2 Kgs: “[He] deemed it so insufficient to wash him-
self simply in the waters of Jordan” (Trollope: 161).
Rudyard Kipling’s poem “Naaman’s Song”
(1932) combines a wily military sense of the realities
of occupied territory with a lyrical view of the po-
tentialities of nature:
But Pharphar - but Abana - which Hermon
launched down
They perish fighting desert-sands
beyond Damascus-town
But yet their pulse is of the snows - their
strength is from on high
And, if they cannot cure my woes,
a leper I will die!
The character Giordano in James Joyce’s Finnegan’s
Wake (1939) may be part of that novelist’s play on
dual Christian/Jewish connotations of biblical
tropes, here combining allusions to John the Baptist
and Naaman (Moseley: 147).
Bibliography:
Coleman, E. D., The Bible in English Drama
(New York 1968).
Kipling, R., “Naaman’s Song,” in Chap-
ters into Verse (ed. R. Atwan/L. Wieder; Oxford 2000) 131–32.
Moseley, V., Joyce and the Bible (DeKalb, IL 1967).
Muir,
L. R., The Biblical Drama of Medieval Europe (Cambridge 2003).
Trollope, A., Barchester Towers (London 1995 [1857]).
Anthony Swindell
VI. Visual Arts
The figure of Naaman has been immensely popular
in the history of art. Artists depicted scenes from his
story as told in 2 Kgs 5, often with complex visual
interpretation, from the Middle Ages through the
Modern Era, working in all media. The episode
most frequently depicted is Naaman washing him-
self in the Jordan River to cure his leprosy (2 Kgs
5:14). Beginning in the Early Christian period, this
episode was interpreted typologically, as a foreshad-
owing of Christian baptism. Depending on the con-
text, Naaman’s washing was a type for either the
baptism of Jesus or more generally the sacrament
of baptism.
An example of the former is the noted Naaman
Plaque at the British Museum. The 4 × 4" champlevé
enamel (1150–60) was once part of an altar retable
showing scenes from the life of Jesus. Elements of
the scene present clear visual parallels with the bap-
tism of Jesus as typically depicted. Naaman dips
into the waters of the Jordan River, prominently la-
beled IORDANEM; servants labeled FAMVLI wait
on the bank, holding Naaman’s clothes; and, in a
departure from the scriptural account, the artist has
included the hand of God emerging from a cloud in
510
the upper right corner. Blue rays extend from God’s
blessing hand, along one of which is written
CVRATIO NAMAM (“I heal Naaman”), drawing a
clear parallel with the voice of God speaking at the
moment of Jesus’s baptism. The latter scene is de-
picted on a matching plaque from the same retable
at the Metropolitan Museum (acc. no. 17.190.430).
The Naaman washing-baptism of Jesus typology
was ubiquitous in medieval art and figured in large-
scale church decoration in both stained glass and
wall painting. The two scenes are adjacent to each
other in the ceiling paintings of the Romanesque
Church of St. Maria Lyskirchen in Cologne (ca.
1250), where an extensive typological program fills
the three domes of the nave. Scenes from the life of
Jesus on the right side of each dome (facing the al-
tar) are paired with HB/OT prototypes on the left.
The Naaman scene has two parts, with a leprous
Naaman in the waters of the Jordan on the left and
Naaman healed, speaking to Elisha, on the right.
This typology entered the realm of popular cul-
ture in the Late Middle Ages with the first publica-
tion of the Speculum Humanae Salvationis in the early
14th century. In this illustrated work of Latin verse,
each page opening links an event from the NT with
three pre-figurations from the HB/OT. The baptism
of Jesus is accompanied by Solomon’s Font (1 Kgs
7:23–26), the healing of Naaman, and Joshua cross-
ing the Jordan with the ark of the covenant (Josh 3).
One of many examples is Morgan Library M 140,
with watercolor drawings above the usual columns
of text. Naaman is shown half-immersed in the Jor-
dan, his upper body covered in sores. A servant and
the prophet Elisha stand on opposite banks. Above
the scene is written in Latin, “The leprous Naaman
washes seven times in the Jordan and is healed.”
The scene of Naaman washing in the Jordan also
represented the sacrament of baptism more gener-
ally. Naaman represents the sinner, who is washed
clean of sin in baptism. This second typology often
appeared in illustrations of the Seven Sacraments. A
15th-century tapestry fragment in the Metropolitan
Museum (1435–50) shows the washing of Naaman
in the upper register with a contemporary scene of
infant baptism below. The prophet Elisha corre-
sponds to the ministering priest below and Naa-
man’s body is already clean, like the newborn baby.
The strong connection of Naaman and baptism
in visual art is notable, given that the Lectionary
pairs the Naaman story with either Jesus healing
the leper (Matt 8:3) or preaching in the synagogue
of Nazareth, where Jesus evokes Naaman the gentile
following the prophet Elisha as a counter-example
to the Jews who do not recognize him (Luke 4:24–
30). The message of Luke 4 is difficult to depict but
is implied in the text below the Naaman scene in
the Speculum, which reads, “Naaman was a gentile
and did not know God, but came to the Prophet
Elisha to be cured.” Elisha telling Naaman to go
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511 Naamathite
wash in the Jordan is one of four healing scenes ac-
companying Jesus healing the leper on a page for
“The Second Sunday after the Octave of Epiphany”
in a 15th-century Bible concordance from Vienna
(Morgan Library M 1045, fol. 23v).
Fuller treatments of Naaman’s story appeared in
illustrated Bibles, which depicted 2 Kgs 5 in a narra-
tive rather than a typological manner. The Pamplona
Picture Bible of 1197 includes scenes of Naaman
stricken with leprosy, Naaman’s wife and Hebrew
maid, Naaman at Elisha’s house, and Naaman wash-
ing in the Jordan, spread over three pages illustra-
ting 2 Kgs 4–5.
In the Reformation period and later, typological
readings of the Naaman story were gradually re-
placed by moral readings, which viewed the events
and characters as exemplars of faith or virtue. Cor-
nelis Engebrechtsz’s Naaman Triptych of ca. 1524
(Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Vienna), proba-
bly the most significant work depicting Naaman’s
story, combines the two approaches (see / plate
10.b). The central panel depicts Naaman washing in
the Jordan, with clear echoes of the baptism of Je-
sus, including the servant waiting on the bank with
Naaman’s clothes. But Naaman’s brightly clean
body, in stark contrast to the leprous figures in the
wings, and the physician saints Cosmas and Damian
on the outer sides of the wings, point to the theme
of healing. C. Boeckl (136–45) identified the large
figures in the wings as Naaman’s servant Gehazi
(left) and Naaman before his cure (right). The faith
of Naaman, which led to his cure, is contrasted with
the duplicity of Gehazi, which led to his punish-
ment of leprosy (2 Kgs 5:19–27). Engebrechtsz. adds
multiple small scenes into the landscape, telling the
rest of the story before and after Naaman’s cure.
Most prominent is Elisha refusing Naaman’s gifts,
just behind the foreground scene.
This theme of Elisha refusing Naaman’s gifts
came to the fore in 17th-century Dutch painting.
There are numerous examples, including several
versions by Pieter de Grebber, but Ferdinand Bol’s
1661 painting is probably most well-known
(Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam). Naaman, wearing ar-
mor and a rich cloak, offers gifts to Elisha in thanks
for his cure. A kneeling servant in the center fore-
ground and Naaman’s retinue on the left bring ad-
ditional lavish gifts, emphasizing wealth and status.
Elisha, standing before his house, refuses the gifts.
Bol’s work was executed for the leper house in Am-
sterdam, which was supported by philanthropic do-
nors. Elisha’s refusal to be paid for doing God’s
work was an appropriate theme for this setting.
The subject of Naaman’s wife’s Hebrew maid,
who first suggested Naaman seek a cure from Elisha
(2 Kgs 5:2–5), became popular during the Romantic
period and into the 20th century. In F. W. W. To-
pham’s 1888 painting Naaman’s Wife, the captive
servant girl stands before the distraught wife. De-
512
spite her low status, the maid represents the faith
which led to Naaman’s cure and his acceptance of
the one God.
Bibliography:
Boeckl, C., Images of Leprosy: Disease, Religion,
and Politics in European Art (Kirksville, MO 2011).
Cavallo,
A. S., Medieval Tapestries in the Metropolitan Museum of Art
(New York 1993).
Conti, M. (ed.), 1–2 Kings, 1–2 Chronicles,
Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, vol. 5 of Ancient Christian Commentary
on Scripture: Old Testament (Downers Grove, IL 2008).
Stratford, N., Catalogue of Medieval Enamels in the British Mu-
seum, vol. 2: Northern Romanesque Enamel (London 1993).
The Index of Medieval Art (Princeton University; ima.prince
ton.edu).
Sarah Bond
VII. Music
The story about the healing of Naaman in 2 Kgs
5:1–19 has been received in some oratorios. The
Italian composer Francesco Bartolomeo Conti
(1681/1682–1732) wrote Naaman to a libretto by
Apostolo Zeno (Vienna 1721; Smither: 1:375, 390;
Massenkeil: 1:293; Williams). The Italian-born Brit-
ish conductor and composer Sir Michael Costa
(1808–1884) wrote an oratorio Naaman (1864, based
on Zeno’s libretto) to an English text by William
Bartholomew (Smither: 4:311, 325; 1:390; Massen-
keil: 2:234; Dowling Long/Sawyer: 165). Also, Susan
Hulsman Bingham’s “chancel oratorio” for an Epis-
copalian Church in Allentown, Pennsylvania (2012)
treats the same story (Dowling Long/Sawyer: 165).
British composer Inglis Gundry (1905–2000) based
his Naaman: The Leprosy of War (1938) to his own li-
bretto on the full narrative in 2 Kgs 5, including
also the episode about Gehazi’s greed (2 Kgs 5:19–
27; Mason; Gundry: ch. 9).
Bibliography:
Burton, N./K. Horner, “Costa, Sir Michael
(Andrew Agnus) [Michele Andrea Agniello],” Grove Music On-
line (www.oxfordmusiconline.com).
Dowling Long, S./
J. F. A. Sawyer, The Bible in Music (Lanham, MD 2015).
Mason, C., “Gundry, Inglis,” rev. by P. Griffiths and R.
Barnett, Grove Music Online (www.oxfordmusiconline.com).
Massenkeil, G., Oratorium und Passion, 2 vols. (Laaber 1998–
1999).
Gundry, I., “The Last Boy of the Family,” Music-
Web International (www.musicweb-international.com).
Smither, H. E., A History of the Oratorio, 4 vols. (Chapel Hill,
NC 1977–2000).
Williams, H. W., “Conti, Francesco Bar-
tolomeo,” Grove Music Online (www.oxfordmusiconline.com).
Nils Holger Petersen
See also / Elisha; / Gehazi; / Healing Mira-
cles; / Leper, Leprosy; / Medicine and Healing
Naamathite
Naamathite (MT Naa
˘
ma
¯
) is the regular by-name
for Job’s friend Zophar, cf. Job 2:11; 11:1; 20:1;
42:9. While variations of the same toponym are at-
tested to by Peshitta (nmty), Vg. (Naamathites), and
the Targum (dmn nmh), LXX makes Zophar “king
of the Minaeans” ( Μιναίων βασιλες), cf. Job 2:11
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