source.”
67
Twelve years before the Hyde Amendment was passed, Congress
amended EAJA to clarify the proper definition of “position of the United States” as
including both “the position taken by the United States in the civil action” and “the
action or failure to act by the agency upon which the civil action is based.”
68
Congress’s definition makes intuitive sense given the text: EAJA says “position of
the United States,” not “litigating position of the United States.” Congress chose to
add this explicit definition specifically to address confusion among the circuits
about whether courts conducting a fee award analysis under EAJA could consider
conduct outside the government’s litigating position—the same interpretive issue
that has now arisen under the Hyde Amendment.
69
Therefore, when Congress
passed the Hyde Amendment, “position of the United States” had a settled mean-
ing under EAJA; it covered both the government’s litigation position and its
actions underlying the litigation.
Courts uniformly agree that Representative Hyde patterned the Hyde
Amendment after EAJA.
70
And “position of the United States” in particular was
borrowed verbatim from that statute,
71
raising the presumption that Congress
intended “position of the United States” to have the same meaning in both statutes.
This conclusion is bolstered by the repeated references to EAJA and its history by
members of Congress during the passage of the Hyde Amendment. The bill’s spon-
sor, Representative Hyde, repeatedly referenced EAJA and its amendments during
the House floor debate.
72
He pointed to “17 years of successful interpretation and
Norris, 512 U.S. 246, 254 (1994) (interpreting an undefined word in an employment contract in a way that was
“common in the labor law context”).
67. Stokeling v. United States, 139 S. Ct. 544, 551 (2019) (quoting Hall v. Hall, 138 S Ct. 1118, 1128 (2018)).
68. Act of Aug. 5, 1985, Pub. L. No. 99-80, § 2(c)(2)(D), 99 Stat. 183, 185 (1985) (codified as amended at 28
U.S.C. § 2412(d)(2)(D)).
69. See H.R. R
EP. NO. 99-120(I), at 8–9 (1985), as reprinted in 1985 U.S.C.C.A.N. 132, 137 (explaining that
when EAJA was originally passed “it was understood that ‘position of the United States’ was not limited to the
government’s litigation position but included the action—including agency action—which led to the litigation,”
but because the federal courts were split on its proper meaning, the amendment “clarifies that the broader
meaning applies”); see also Spencer v. N.L.R.B., 712 F.2d 539, 546–47 (D.C. Cir. 1983) (describing the circuit
split in interpreting “position of the United States” in EAJA prior to congressional amendment).
70. See, e.g., United States v. Gilbert, 198 F.3d 1293, 1300 (11th Cir. 1999) (“Hyde patterned his amendment
after the Equal Access to Justice Act . . . .”); United States v. Knott, 256 F.3d 20, 28 (1st Cir. 2001) (“The Hyde
Amendment was patterned after the Equal Access to Justice Act . . . .”); United States v. Reyes-Romero, 959
F.3d 80, 92 (3d Cir. 2020) (describing the Hyde Amendment as “generally modeled” off of EAJA); United States
v. Shaygan, 676 F.3d 1237, 1244 (11th Cir. 2012) (describing the original version of the Hyde Amendment as
“patterned after the Equal Access to Justice Act”).
71. See, e.g., United States v. Bove, 888 F.3d 606, 608 n.10 (2d Cir. 2018) (“The Hyde Amendment
apparently borrowed the phrase ‘position of the United States’ from the Equal Access to Justice Act . . . .”);
Shaygan, 676 F.3d at 1251 (Martin, J., dissenting) (“Congress adopted the term ‘the position of the United States’
from the Equal Access to Justice Act.”).
72. Statements of sponsors are accorded significant weight in statutory interpretation. See FEA v. Algonquin
SNG, Inc., 426 U.S. 548, 564 (1976) (noting that statements of sponsors “deserv[e] to be accorded substantial
weight in interpreting the statute”); Abbe R. Gluck & Lisa Schultz Bressman, Statutory Interpretation from the
Inside—An Empirical Study of Congressional Drafting, Delegation and the Canons: Part I, 65 S
TAN. L. REV.
901, 978 (2013) (noting that many of the respondents in the authors’ study, all of whom were congressional
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